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ON- 



THE RICHMOND PAHTY. ^ 



/ \ 



\ \ BY A VIRGINIAN. 



Originally published in 



the Washington RcpubUcaji. 



2ma!5!)ittStott ^^*S* 



1823. 



,0 









*******, Mel November G, 182^. 

Gentlemen : 

In the same envelope Avhich contains this 
note, I enclose six letters, which 1 request you to 
insert in your paper. As I have the fullest con- 
fidence in the knowledg^e and correctness of the 
source from which these disclosures have pro- 
ceeded, I voluntarily become a pledge for the 
truth of all the matter contained in these episto- 
lary documents. As a native of Virginia, al- 
though long a resident of this state, I am espe- 
cially interested in her dignity and prosperity. 
For some time previous to the correspondence of 
which the enclosed letters form the important 
part, I had been convinced of the existence of this 
" Central Junto :^^ and it was with a view to ex- 
tend this conviction of my own mind to others, 
that I propounded certain questions, to which my 
intelligent friend has transmitted me the ample 
and satisfactory replies I now offer for your in- 
spection and publication. 

I consider the publication of these letters as a 
debt due to the injured citizens of Virginia, and 
under this powerful impression, I submit them to 
your judgment. 

With respect. Gentlemen, I remain your obe- 
dient servant. 

****** 

To the Editors of the Washington Republican, 



RICHMOND LETTERS. 



That a powerful party exists in Virginia, and secretly, yet with 
unerring certainty, directs the course of her politics, is a fact gen- 
erally felt, although only partially understood. — Many of those who 
have been the most sensible of its existence, have, perhaps, been 
the least able to determine its character, or to identify the individ- 
uals who compose its organization. An agency, invisible to the 
great mass of Mrginians, and only discernable to a few, whose 
superior faculty of discrimination, or more favourable opportunities 
of time and place, may have given them extraordinary facilities 
for correct judgment, wields the political energies of the ancient 
dominion ; not for the promotion of her individual prosperity, as 
a member of the great republican confedei-dcy, nor for the com- 
mon welfare of the Union ,• but for tlie purpose of consolidating 
and extending family interests, and promoting personal aggrandise- 
ment. An aristocratic cancer has formed itself in the very bosom 
of the republic, and, unless rooted out of the member which it has 
corrupted, may be expected to spread itself, and to diffuse its morbid 
influence over the healtliy members which surround it. Of the ex- 
istence of the party, we have, from time to time, received hints, 
which have been calculated rather to alarm our vigilance, than 
to make any actual addition to our stock of knowledge. The mist 
has, however, at length, been dispersed ; and the facts have reach- 
ed us, through a medium of such respectability, that we can neither 
permit a doubt of their entire accuracy to possess our minds, nor 
hesitate to devote our columns to their publication. 

The series of Letters to which these observations are prefatory, 
abound no less in interest than in information. They are addressed 
to a gentleman, a native of Maryland ; and, as it is premised in 
the first of the Letters, the facts contained in them are communi- 
cated in reply to questions from this gentleman, as to the real exist- 
ence of this party in his native State, the names of the principal 
members of which it is composed, and such circumstances as are 
best calculated to prove its existence as a party. — Possessing all 
that high-mindedness, and all that proud independence, which are 
so characteristic of the sons of Virginia, he required evidence the 
most detailed and conclusive, before he would suffer a conviction so 
injurious to the elevated standing of his native State, to take pos- 
session of his mind. The letters which he received in reply, con- 
tain the testimony required. The internal marks of truth which 
they bear, were [too many, and of too decided a description, to 
leave room for scepticism.— Conviction wa*, at once, produced by a 



8 

compeHed, with less of reserve than I would willingly employ, to 
speak (if one ur two of those gentlemen who have departed this 
life. Besides, 1 can readily imagine, that many of those whose 
plans oT future greatness may be jeopardized by the disclosures I 
am about to mike, misapplying the philanthropic rule, nil nisi 
bonum de mni-tim, will strive to excite a general prejudice against 
any statement of facts not reflecting honor on the leaders of their 
party ; but 1 think it fair to conclude, that any effort so selfish, and 
clearly so unjust, must inevitably fail. In any statement, however, 
which i in^y make, I will not willingly violate any established prin- 
ciple of humanity, whilst I shall endeavour, as will become me, 
faithfully and correctly to fulfil my engagement. With these re- 
marks, I will proceed to give you the names of some of the chiefs 
of " the old party" alluded to. Tiie most distinguished among 
them, were, the late Wilson Gary Nicholas, and Edmund Ran- 
dolph, formerly governors, and Philip N. Nicholas, late the Attor- 
ney General of Virginia, and the late George Nicholas, of Kentucky, 
and the late John Nicholas, of New York, and General Samuel 
Smith, a Senator from Maryland in the Senate of the United 
States, and Robert Smith, late the Secretary of State of the United 
Stiites. These gentlemen were all connected together, by the near- 
est and strongest ties of blood or aflinity. All four of the name of 
Nicholas were brothers, and Edmund Randolph (having married 
their sister) was their brother-in-law. General Smith and Robert 
Smith were brothers, and Wilson Gary Nicholas and Philip Nor- 
borne Nicholas were related to them by affinity ; the former hav- 
ing intermarried with their sister, and the latter with their niece. 
Thus, formed out of these families, existed a phalanx, more formi- 
dable, in my opinion, than any other political corps which could 
be organized by any other family connection in our whole country. 
To those well acquainted with the history of the states, especially 
since the overthrow of th«^ regal g^vcrjiiin'^nt, it vvould be unneces- 
sary to speak particularly of the talents or stanclmg of these gentle- 
men ; but as you nsk my statement for the benefit of many not pos- 
sessed of that information, I have supposed that a few biographic 
sketches, at least, concerning the most prominent of those charac- 
ters, might not be altogether unacceptable. 

First, then, I will speak of him whose personal accomplish- 
ments and literary attainments ranked him, in early life, highest 
among all the members of his party. I mean F^dmimd Randolph — 
he was the son of John, the last Attorney General for the king 
whom Virginia ever knew. His family had been long accustomed 
to enjoy wealth, distinction, and honors, which it was, perhaps, 
natural they should dt^sire to retain, under any fate, whatever, which 
might attend our revolutionary struggles. Thence, in the opinion 
of manv. resulted the politic f)ppositi()n between the father ajid the 
son, at the very coraraenceraent of those struggles. The father, and 



9 

oilier members of his family, attached themselves to Lord Dun- 
more, the last colonial governor of Virginia ; and, by their loyalty, 
ensured to themselves his protection and favor, and that of the 
crown ; whilst the son remained at home, esjiousing the cause of 
the people; thus guarding, in any event, the fortune of the family 
against confiscation. Had Britain conquered, the fidelity of the 
father would have obtained a ready pardon for the transgressions 
of the son ; whilst success on the side of the colonies would be 
certain to procure for the youthful patriot every honor which the 
people of his native state could bestow. Thus, was it said, what- 
ever might have been the issue of the contest, the father and the 
son had wisely provided for the preservation of their fortime, and 
for an ample share of all the honors they might reasonably have 
demanded of the conquering power. Whatever n;ay really have 
been the fact, I should certainly have been inclined to regard this 
imputation <is rather uncharitable, but for the circumstance, that on 
many subsequent occasions of high import, the conduct of Edmund 
Randolph was glaringly inconsistent, and sometimes was pronoun- 
ced to be even of an ambidexterous character. For example — 
he was a member of the General Convention which recommended 
to the states the adoption of tlic Federal Constitution, and he refus- 
ed to sign that recommendation. — Afterwards, as a member (jf the 
Convention of Virginia to which that constitution was submitted, 
he advocated and voted for its adoption, without previous amend- 
ments. This strange inconsistency^this wonderful change, as to 
a concern of such vast and vital importance to every state in the 
Union,occurringin the opinion and conduct of so eminent a states- 
man, (for Mr. Randolph was then the Governor of Virginia,) in- 
duced a suspicion that, foreseeing the probable adoption of the 
Constitution, he was desirous, by a seasonable display of great zeal 
in its favor, to secure for himself an honorable appointment under 
the new goverisment. 

Those who entertained the suspicion, used no ceremony in pro- 
claiming it ; so that both through his friends and his foes, he was 
soon apprised of the fact, that his motives were impeached, and 
his sincerity was questioned. Thus informed, he resolved to put 
down immediately, if possible, suspicions so injurious to his poli- 
tical standing, and to the cause he advocated; and, therefore, in 
language the most pointed and nervous, such as might well be- 
come a disinterested politician, influenced by the purest motives, 
Mr. Randolph made and repeated, on the floor of the Convention, 
the most solemn declarations, that, in advocating the adoption of 
the Constitution, he was very far from being influenced by ambi- 
tious motives. That, on the contrary, he desired not preferment; 
but wished, above all things, the enjoyment and the happiness of a 
private station. 

Many among the liberal thereupon banished their suspicions, as 



10 

unworthy to be longer clierished ; and tbci'- renewed confidence iu 
the Ge.venior \w;\s flouUtlcss one aitiong other chief cau.Mrs which 
enabled the Feoeralists to prevail against the pruphelic warnings 
and the divine eloquence of the immurlal Henry. 

The ConsiitutJon adopted, raid the general government going 
into operation, Mr. Randolph was called, by the Father ot his 
Country, to the oflice of Attorney General. So honorable an invi- 
tation bom Waihmgton v/as irresistible ; and yielding to the ambi- 
tious suggestions of '■ poor frail nature," Mr. liando!|)h forgot, or 
disregarded the declarations he had so lately and so sclemnly made, 
and became the fu'st Attorney General of the U. S. That app<'int- 
ment was accepted, as many believed, with a view to the first of- 
fice in the gift of ihe people at a future day. The Attorney Gen- 
eral's party doubtless anticipated so honorable a close of his poli- 
tical career ; but two traits of character for which he was remarka- 
ble, and which could not escape the notice of an attentive observer, 
ought to have convinced him and them, that the eminence to which 
he aspired was beyond his reach. Unfortunately for Mr. Ran- 
dolph, he possessed neither the firmness nor the consistency with- 
out wliich the high object of his desire could not be attained. 
Spealtiug with his own peculiar pitli, of these defects in his kins- 
man's political character, the distinguished .fohn Randolph, of Roa- 
noke, is understood to have said one day to a gentleman with 
whom he accidentally conversed on the subject, that his '' friend 
Edmund was like the aspen, like the camelion, ever trembling, 
ever changing." Therefore it was, in reference to the two great 
parties which existed when Thomas Jefl'erson was Secretary of 
State, and Alexander Hamilton was Secretary of the Treasury, that, 
vibrating between them, Mr. Randolph failed to secure to demo- 
cracy the ascendancy over federahsm, which it v.ould have gain- 
ed had he co-operated with the Secretary of State; so that, discover- 
ing tiiat no reliance could be placed on his support, but, on the con- 
trary, iliat his course favored the growth of tlie federal paitv, Mr. 
Jefferson, resigning his oftlce, withdrew from the cabinet, and, for 
a season, the people of America had just cause to apprehend that 
the political principles of Alexander Hamilton would triumph over 
all opposition. Mr. Randolph was called to fill the vacancy occa- 
sioned by Mr. Jefferson's resignation, and tlie subsequent experi- 
ence of others has clearly demonstrated that he could not have been 
better situated to favor his ambitious views. Hut, aspiring to the 
high ofiice of President of the United States, Mr. Randol|jh per- 
ceived the advantages which might arise from becoming a leader of 
one of the two great contending parties. He could not be second 
to Alexander HamiUon and gain the object of his wishes; yet that 
would, in the opinion of many, have been his inevitable lot, had 
he taken the same side in politics with that gentleman. Hence the 
necessity which apparently urged Mr. Randolph, about that time, 



11 

to attach hiinst'lfinore olosely lo the democratic part}'. That, by 
the bye, in fiiioiutn" aspect, llicn scfiiirtl to bo a politic measure, 
'j'ho cioniocratir th<ni bide fair to gain tho asccridar.cy over the fe- 
deral, or, as in the languajre of tiie day they were called, (he aris- 
tocratic party. Tlie latter were accused by their opponents of 
partiality in favor of l^ritain, in her \varf;tre Jifjainst the French Re- 
public ; whilst they, in their turn, attributed to the former, disorr 
ganizint;- and Jacobinic principles, because they wished success to the 
arms of France. It is beyond my purpose here, to dwell on the 
violenci; with which those parties, f()ri;cttinrr the obligations of jus- 
tice and candor, unceasingly reviled and denounced each other. 
I vvill, however, since the wisdom and virtue of President Mon- 
roe's administration has restored to us '• the era of good feelings,'' 
express the hope that our posterity, to the latest generation, may be 
forever exempt from pohtical divisions, so illiberal, so infuriate, and 
so anti-Americau. Demagogues who may fancy that they can 
" ride in the whirlwind and direct the storm,"may pant foithf de- 
lights of the tempests which political parties can raise ; but the quiet 
citizen, who is content with a private station, who is a lover oi" his 
countrv', of her peace, her prosperity, hei- happiness, her liberty, 
her independence, will '• pray without ceasing," that the whole 
American family may be blessed with harmony, concord, and 
union; the ccrtam pledges of every domestic comfort, and the 
sure antidotes to every foreign ill. 

To return, however, from this digression, which I know you wilt 
readily excuse — yVbout the period now in contemplation, the cause 
of France had, indeed, many friends in the Unhed States. Tho 
strongest bursts of feeling, eloquently and simultaneously proclaim- 
ed, in every direction, that the great body of the j^eople, particuhirly 
those of the south and the west, ardently wished success to the 
French Republic. The wish was certainly natural : The contest 
in which the belligerents of Europe were engaged, was regarded 
as a great and eventful struggle between liberty on the one hand, 
and despotism on the other. — The cause of 1' ranee was that of 
freedom — was that in which Washington had fought, and had con- 
quered, and could not, tiierefore, but be most dear to the heaits of 
all g<-nuine republicans. Mr. Randolph, consequently, could lose 
nothing by then joining the democratic party. That, he had not, 
perhaps, openly, fully, and firmly done, when the famous inter- 
cepted letter of the French minister, Fouchet, giving the Secretary 
of State credit for certain '' precious confessions," robbed Mr. Ran- 
dolph, for ever, of the confidence of his august friend, and doomed 
him to spend the remainder of his liil- in obscurity. To the brink 
of the grave, however, he continued to be an active, and, on some 
occasions, doubtless, an efficient member of his party. Here, for 
the present, I will stop. It is time that I should now close this 
letter, which the subject has involuntarily led me to protract to a 



13 

length I had not contemplated. My next, shall speak of the ta- 
lents of Mr. Randolph's brother-in-law, Wilson Gary Nicholas, 
Esq. and give a short sketch of his life, for some years before his 
death. 

With the greatest esteem and regard, I remain, as always, my 

dear Sir, yours, truly, 

^ "" ill***** ********* 



LETTER II. 



My Dear ******: 

My last contained an assurance that this letter should '• speak 
of the talents of Wilson Gary Nicholas, Esq. and give a short sketch 
of his life for some years before his death."' Had I previously 
wei^-hed, with due attention, the difficulty of such an undertaking, 
the promise had, perhaps, been never made ; for how could I dare 
venture to portray the talents of Talleyrand, or to give a sketch of 
his life for even one year only ? And yet, if the judgment of some 
of our best informed citizens be correct, there would be no less 
temerity in making such an attempt as to Mr. Nicholas. The 
opinion is certainly entertained, and has been often confidently 
advanced, by some who knew him well, and who are also acquaint- 
ed with the character of Talleyrand, that our " Virginia woods- 
man" surpassed the French diplomatist in the talent which render- 
ed him most useful to his friends, and most formidable to his foes. 
Of the eai-liest part of Mr. Nicholas's hfe I know nothing. I have 
no particular account worthy to be rehed on, of his progress as a po- 
litician or statesman, at an earlier date than the year 1794. The 
information, however, which I have received concerning his poli- 
tical career, from that period to a short time before his death, is 
certainly authentic ; and needs not the confirmation it derives from 
the knowledge possessed by myself, of his course in latter years. 
I shall not, therefore, regard it as necessary, in every statement I 
may make relating to that gentleman, to distinguish between the 
facts which are positively known to myself, and those which are 
within the knowledge of others. To proceed then with my narra- 
tive. 

Mr. Nicholas was the son of the venerable gentleman of the 
same name, who is very handsomely noticed in " Wirt's Life of 
Henry ;" and from his father's weahh, official station, and place of 
residence, it is to be presumed he had the benefit of a college-edu- 
cation i though he never, within my knowledge, gave any great 



13 

proofs of scholarship. I am satisfied, however, that he enjoyed the 
advantages of a good classical education at the least; and that nature 
gave him, in some i-espects, a mind of most gigantic power, is doubt- 
ed by none. Mr. iNicholas's ambition knew no bounds; for its 
gratification, he sought popularity " in his own way," with a per- 
severance and a clearness of judgment, almost unexampled. He 
was always proverbially plain in his dress, and in his manners ; 
two of wisdom's important steps to reach the hearts of the people. 
He was, in general, grave and reserved, and sometimes would 
appear to be even morose or gmm — infallible means of establishing 
with the public a full credit tor all the talents he possessed ; and 
the certain means also of enhancing, even to fascination, the value 
of an agreeable smile, or marked familiarity, in which he occasion- 
ally indulged v/ith the happiest success. Our country never, per- 
haps, gave birth to a man better acquainted with all the avenues to 
the human heart ; and few have profited more than Mr. Nicho- 
las for a long \\'hile did, by the command of that rare and inva- 
luable species of knowledge. The wise and the simple, the learn- 
ed and the unlearned, were alike at his pleasure, mere automata in 
his hands. Among other endowments, he seemed, also, sometimes 
nearly to possess the power of ubiquity ; for often has he been, po- 
litically, seen and felt, at the same moment, in places very differ- 
ent and very distant from one another; and, what almost surpasses 
belief, he found, in our modern hard times, when standing on the 
verge of bankruptc}^, nodifliculty in laying the wisest and most cau- 
tious of our citizens under contribution. Christian, .Tew, and Gen- 
tile, peasant, senator, and judge, indiscriminately yielded subsidies 
at his will ; and the mighty power he had gained over the public 
mind, continued marvelluosly to increase to the hour of the catastro- 
phe finally produced by his pecuniary embarrassments. Even after 
they had overwhelmed him, by a fall tremendous and sad, carry- 
ing in its train mischief and ruin to many of his confiding friends, 
and loss and injury to the public institution over which he presid- 
ed : a fall which would have crushed and even annihilated any other 
man : — after all this, so wonderworking was the influence of his 
peculiarly happy manner of meeting his fate, that many began to 
forgive, though they could not forget the injuries they had suffered ; 
and there was a generous and an increasing sympathy, on the part 
of very many, for the fall of one who had occupied such a space in 
the public mind, and in the feelings of the people. 

Among those who have most deeply "studied man," not a few 
are to be found ready to publish this opinion concerning the magic 
powers of Mr. Nicholas — '' that, had he survived his misfortunes 
but a few years only, he would infallibly have raised himself again 
to the towering height from which he had fallen." Such, I will 
freely own, is not my belief: money, the sine qua non to his resur- 
rection as a statesman, could not be obtained. His relatives in 
Maryland seemed to furnish a sort of " forlorn hope," to which, In 



14 

that exigency, he might have resorted ; but that branch of the fami- 
ly ciiiaection had also Ivan bhghted ; or the afiiiirs of Smith and 
Buchanan with the Branch Bank of the United States, at BaUi- 
morej" have been grossly misrepresented. I know that the sketch 
which I have furnished, is by no means so comjjlete as mi^ht have 
been expected ; but, from its perfect accuracy, as far as it goes, its 
resemblance to the original will, I think, be immediately recog- 
nized by every gentleman who was acquainted with Mr. Nicholas. 

By adverting to that gentleman's conduct on a few public occa- 
sions, it will be readilypcrcoived, that he did indeed possess, in 
an eminent degree,the peculiar talent I have attributed to him ; and 
as that family aggrandizement was the undevinting object of ambi- 
tious pursuit with himself and his party. That his avowal of strong 
attachment to the principles of freedom, and of devotion to the 
rights of man, was not so much the offspring of a sincere regard for 
public welfare, as of an inclination thereby to cor.ciliate the favor 
of the " swinish multitude," (as the yeomanry of our country were 
once called bv Mr. Randolph,) and thus to promote the interest 
of himself or his party ; high sounding words in favor of liberty, 
while they would cost nothing but the trouble of uttering them, were 
found to be very pleasing to most people ; and means of acquiring 
popularity, at the same time so cheap and so efllVctive, were never 
overlooked by Mr. Nicholas, especially after he had fully commit- 
ted himself on the republican side — Irepeat,onthe republican side; 
for it is by no means distinctly understood that, in the year 1794, 
Mr. Nicholas was a democrat ; on the contrary, it is believed by many 
that he was not. That impression was produced by the following, 
among other circumstances: Mr. Nicholas was, in that year, a 
member of the Virginia House of Delegates, and his political friends 
and associates at that day, were chiefly of the federal party ; and, 
in the winter of the same year, when the legislature were called 
upon to fill a vacancy which had occurred in the Senate of the 
United States, that sterling republican, the late Stephen Thomp- 
son Mason, was proposed, and supported, and elected by the de- 
mocratic party ; but instead of supporting that election, Mr. Ni- 
cholas, in opposition, was himself put in nomination foi the same 
office. His vote was, of course, inconsiderable, compared to that 
of General Mason, who then was, and, to the day of his death, 
deservedly continued to be, most highly esteemed by the democratic 
party. I will here notice one other circumstance only, touching 
Mr. Nicholas's political character in 1794, and that is, that Mr. 
Randolph, his brother-in-law, and the leader of their party, was, at 
that time, a member of President Washington's cabinet, sustaining 
rather than opposing the fedornl party — himself, and his party for 
him, then aspiring to the succession. 

After the intercepted letter of the French minister had been 
shewn to Mr. Randolph by the President, in such a manner as to 



15 

induce the immediate surrendor of the seals of his office, ]Mr. Ran- 
dolj.i'), reimnino to Virginiu, resuini'd the |)r:nclicc of hiw ; and, 
theiicc'invaid, it is certain ihiit, in nearly all his public " actings 
and d jings," JNir. INicliolas seemed to be a most zealous and 
^^ tliorough-goiiig democrat;'' biU anyattempl to prove that he was 
at /irst (in l7'J4j a federaHst, and a ftevwaids a democrat, is, per- 
haps, at best idle, since the tenor of his whole life subsequently, 
has establislicd the i'act. that, true to himself, his connection;?, and 
his party, whatever he a[)p<'are(l to be, he always was whatever his 
or their interests required he sh(>uld be. 

On Mr. Randnl[;h .s return to private life, his party, to regain the 
elevation they haci lost in the fail of tlieir leader, perceived the 
necessity of rallying under some new standard ; and to none did it 
seem that they could more wisely repair, than to that, which in sup- 
port of principle, had been erected under the auspices of the illus- 
trious .lefiiTsun — the frii nd of man, and the idol of the litpub- 
lican party. Wi.se, indeed, was their clioice, for the cause thus 
conducted, the success of democnu'y, was finally complete ; and 
by the display of great apparent ardor and zeal, under that'banner, 
they acquired a good standing with the people, and had a lair pros- 
pect of bejng .able o;ice again to mount the ladder, down which their 
last movement had been so unexpected and abrupt. 

The result of onr state elections, in the year '98 and '99 was de- 
cidedly in favor of democracy, an.d tliosc in power resolved, at the 
next r.ieetingof the General Assembly, to sweep, as it were, with the 
*' besom of destruction,'' their political adversaries from office. Ac- 
cord; ngh", when the legislature convened, the republicans, without 
ceremony, conunenced the '•' good work ;" and instead of re- 
electing their former speaker, JNIr. Wise, who was a federalist, the 
House of Delegates chose Colonel Larkin Smith, who was a 
democrat ; and instead of tlieir old clerk, Mr. Stewart, v/ho was a 
feder.ilist, they elected JMr. Wirt, (the present Attorney General of 
the United States,) who was a republican. And thus, in all their 
elections, the Assembly proceeded to reject federalists, anri to ap- 
point republicans, acting, as was said, throughout, upon principle- 
None urged more strongly the proj)riet3'of that course, than did Mr. 
Nicholas, who was a member, and iVir. Randolph, who was not 
a member of the Assembly. But, at length, die 7 reasurer was to 
be elected, whose office, all things considered; was perhaps the 
very best in the gift of the legislature. Mr. Berkley, the incum- 
bent, was notoriously a federalist ; bitter, and as many thought, 
uncharitable in the extreme ; and all the i vpiddicans, who knew his 
political character, the membrrs of Mr. Nicholas's party only ex- 
cept(>d, thought it impossible that he should retain his place ; but 
it soon appe;iredthat they were under a lnisI^lc'^ Mr. Bcvkle}' was 
connected with the Randolph and Nichdas family; and, as was un- 
tlerstood by a few, had, besides, loaned a considerable sum of 



16 

money to Mr. Nicholas, payment of which would have been pro- 
bably demanded in tlie event of his amotion from oftice. Mr. Ni- 
cholas and Mr. Randolph therefore, for one or the other, or for 
both of these causes, were naturally anxious (against principle) 
that their friend should be continued in office ; and their exertions 
lo that end, earnestly made, and assiduously continued, were crown- 
ed with success. Their language was, that Mr. Berkley was so 
good a man, it would be pity to turn him out — and that, if he were 
turned out, the people would call it persecution. By thus persua- 
sively, and as was believed, under the mere influence of benevo- 
lent feelings, addressing a generous legislature, these gentlemen 
succeeded in saving their friend, which never could have happen- 
ed had their motives been known. 

In examining the inconsistency of the course pursued by Messrs. 
Nicholas and Randolph on the memorable occasion referred to, 
it is worthy of remark, that Mr. Stewart (the old clerk) who felt 
the whole weight of their political fury, (for the sake of principle !) 
was somewhat advanced in years, was the father of a large family, 
and had neither money nor property of any kind whatever, so that 
his wife and children, for their very " food and raiment," depend- 
ed entirely on his personal exertions. — His office, too, was held by 
the most precarious of tenures — during pleasure. In other words, 
at will : Thus was he virtually put upon his good behaviour, every 
hour of every day during the sitting of the legislature ; for, he was 
constantly under the eye of every member of the body to which 
he was amenable. As to the distinguished republican on whom the 
office was conferred, he needed it not — he had no family to main- 
tain but himself — his talents were of the very fust order ; and the 
public is not now to be informed, that when he pleased, wealth, hon- 
ors, and fame, were at his command. 

Mr. Berkley, the federalist, who was continued in office, was 
yoimg — had but a small family, and possessed an independent for- 
tune. His office, both as to salary and tenui-e, was generally re- 
garded as the most valuable the legislature could bestow. What, 
then, I will ask, was the character of that benevolence, and of what 
description were those principles, which could turn honest Jack Ste- 
wart, poor and friendless, with a wife and many helpless children, 
adrift, upon the cold charities of an unfeeling world, because he 
was a federalist; and could, at the same time, continue, in a much 
more valuable and important office, Mr. Berkley, also well known 
to be a federalist, whose family was small, and who enjoyed 
enough of wealth and of youth to render him independent of the 
world ? Such benevolence, and such principles, mark the politician 
who cherishes them, as insincere and selfish, as utterly regardless 
of the public good, as always ready to become whatever his inter- 
ests, or those of his party, might require he should be, and as total- 
ly unworthy the confidence of the people : Nor would they ever 
trust such a politician, did they but know him. 



17 

As IMr. Nicholas was a loader of the old, and also of the Rich- 
tiioikI Party, any farther ddiiieations of his comhict, or plan spe- 
cially designed to establish and conlirin, lisrt the one, and then the 
other ot' those jiartics, or for purposes of family aggrandizement 
will very properly fall in with the additional remarks 1 have to' 
submit, concerning •• The Old Party," and the view 1 propose to 
take of " The Richmojid Party." 1 will, therefore, conclude this 
letter, u iih the recital of an anecdote, relating to the adroitness 
with ujiich, whilst in Congress, he sometimes managed certain 
members of that honorable body, and giving the sarcastic remarks 
on that management, by another very distinguished member. 

It is said, that, on some occasion of great importance, when a 
measure was de[)ending before Congress, the adoption of which 
Mr. iXicholas had much at heart, having just recovered, as ho 
said, from a fit of the gout, well mutHed in" an old fashioned dress, 
he sallied forth in request of recruits; and no statesman, to be 
sure, possessed a happier talent for enlisting speakers, and voters, 
by the exercise of what is called out-of-doors influence, than he 
did. The first boarding-house to which he repaired was filled 
with members of Congress from ******** and ****. Upon enter- 
ing the apartment occupied as a drawing-room by the honorable 
gentlemen, very much in the style of a plain, unceremonious far- 
mer, the members, rising generally, welcomed their visiter with 
great politeness. 

As soon as he was seated, he complained, in a manner quite fami- 
liar and good-natured, that his worthy friends had neglected him 
while atflicted with the gout — declaring, at the same time, he would 
not have treated them so unkindly. They, of course, all apo- 
logized, and the sufficiency of their excuses was readily admhted. 
Next, with the seeming artlessness and cordiality of a good, well- 
meaning country gentleman, he inquired after their families; and 
then discoursed of plantation matters, and on such other subjects 
as he tbund to be most agreeable. Whilst all were yet charmed 
with the conversation of th(;ir guest, he rose, and, taking a most 
friendly leave of the gentlemen, individually, obtained from each a 
promise soon to return his call. At the threshold of the door, 
departing, he suddenly paused, and, turning hastily about, as if 
just then struck with a new thought, which it was his duty, as a 
friend, to communicate, he exclaimed, "Oh! Mr. *******, have you 
reflected on the great, the important question now before Con- 
gress?" alluding particularly to the very measure which so deeply 
interested himself. To which Mr. ******* replied, "■ No, Colonel, 
I confess I have not, sir." Whereupon Mr. Nicholas rejoined, 
" Good God, sir, is it possible, that a gentleman of your talents, 
one who ought to take the lead in every great question discussed 
in Congress; one whom I had always believed to be remarkably 
attentive to all subjects of a public nature, but more especially tc 



18 

those which immediately concerned his own district or state — is it 
possible, sir, that you have overlooked this qutsticn, important, it 
is true, to the public at large, but more particularly so to the state 
from which you come? — (then, turning to all the members present, 
who were listening, aunhus erectis, he added) — aye, gentlemen, in 
the highest degree iinportant to both of your states." And, by a 
plausible, short oration, Mr. Nicholas proceeded to convince his 
delighted hearers that all which he had said to them was per- 
fectly orthodox ; for the Colonel, like many other politicians of 
weight, was admirably good at a short speech, in a small circle ; 
whilst it is certain he never did distinguish himself as an orator in 
either house of Congress. 

Mr. Nicholas, in fine, had the good fortune to obtain from every 
member whom he had thus addressed, an assurance that he would 
attend whenever the impra-tant measure should be called up, and 
give it at least the support of his vote. As to poor Mr. *******, he 
then, for the first time in his life, under the light shed upon the sub- 
ject by IMr. Nicholas, discovered that his endowments were most 
rich and splendid, and his acquirements most valuable and unli- 
mited ; fitting him, as an orator, for the highest niche in the 
temple of fame. He, of course, promised not only to vote, but to 
speak, in support of the important measure. Highly gratified with 
the result of his visit and harangue, to so many of the members 
from two influential states, Mr. Nicholas, bowing a second time, 
more profoundly than before, again took an afl'ectionate leave of 
his friends, reminding them, severally, of their promise soon to 
return his call. In like manner, and with like success, generally, 
Mr. Nicholas visit^l many other boarding-houses, where members 
of Congress lodged, and in several of them, as in the first he had 
visilcd, found those whom he convinced by a few judicious re- 
marks and compliments, exactly suited to the " taste and mind of 
each," that they were among the most eloquent of all the members 
of Congress. 

It was afterwards no diflicult task to satisfy each of those inflat- 
ed orators, that it was a sacred duty which he owed to himself 
and his country, no longer to " hide his light under a bushel.'' 
These noin homines promised, of course, to speak as well as to 
Vote in favor of the important measure. Thus had Mr. Nicholas, 
after recovering from a fit of the gout, under which he thought much 
more than he suffered, in very good time made every arrangement 
necessary to carry his favorite nipasure. 

"' He that hath ears to hear, let him hear," is an injunction which 
is believed to have been always as scrupulously observed by die ce- 
lebrated statesman " of Roanoke," as any other precept contained 
in the sacred volume ; and he saw and heard enough, in relation to 
what had passed at the boarding houses, perfectly to comprehend the 
whole game, in all its depth, which Mr. Nicholas had been play- 



19 

jng. Finally, the important measure was called up, and Mr. Ni- 
cholas, his orators, and other friends, being all in their places, Mr. 
*******, of ********^ rose and addressed the house, at some 
length, in favor of the measure, in a neat speech, but much more 
animated than the occasion seemed to require. He was followed 
by Mr, *******j of *********, who spoke with considerable ability 
in opposition. Then, in regular succession, one after another, 
rose some half a dozen more of Mr. Nicholas's orators. Such thun- 
dering and declamation ! on such a question too ! " sure the like 
was never heard before !" During all this time, Mr. Nicholas, 
who felt, in reality, more solichude for the fate of the question than 
all Congress besides, with muscles unmoved, sat at his desk folding 
up newspapers and copies of documents, and addressing them to 
his constituents ; seeming, all the while, to be just as unconcerned as 
if he were entirely ignorant of the subject under consideration. All 
this was observed by the statesman " of Roanoke," who, sitting in 
his place with folded arms, and looking sometimes at Mr. Nicholas, 
and sometimes at his orators, at length touched a friend near him, 
and said, with a point and an energy peculiar to himself — " The 
master spirit that acts on this occasion is in^islblc." Then 
pointing carelessly to Mr. Nicholas, with a significant look, he 
added — " 'tis Signor Falconi, who, from behind the curtain, plays 
off these puppets upon us," pointing to Mr. Nicholas's orators. 
The hit was so excellent, that ever afterwards, to the day of his 
death, Mr. Nicholas was known to many persons by his new 
name chiefly. I presume you have not forgotten, that some years 
ago, the eminence of Signor Falconi in conducting puppet-shows, 
was unrivalled ; and that he was acknowledged to be the Empe- 
ror universal over all rope-dancers and jugglers wherever to be 
found. 

I remain, as ever, my dear ******, yours truly, 



LETTER III. 

Mt Dear ******, 

You may, perhaps, have expected, from the length of my 
sketches in relation to two of the leaders of " The Old Party," 
that it was my intention to enter also into a minute examination of 
the political conduct of every other member of that party, whom 
1 have named to you ; but such has not been my purpose : because,, 



20 

in my opinion, it is by no means necessary. The other members 
of that party, as far as ni}' information goes, have always rather con- 
formed to the wishes and the views of Edmund Randolph and Wil- 
son Gary Nicholas, Esqrs. than attempted, at any time, to direct 
or control their operations. Acting in a character thus subordin- 
ate, it followed also, of necessity, that less eclat was, in general, 
given to their sentiments, or actions, as members of their party. 
I have understood, however, that they were all conspicuous char- 
acters in their respective spheres ; and it is evident that the loca- 
tion of one of them in Kentucky, and of another in New-York, 
was wisely made ; with a view to the combination of other inter- 
ests, and the consequent extension of their power. The members 
of the party had the credit, and they deserved it, of standing al- 
ways firmly by each other — and of claiming, and, as far as their 
exertions could avail, of obtaining, for each other, and their con- 
nections, the choicest of offices and of honors which could be extort- 
ed from the confidence of the people, or their representatives. 
They seemed, also, oftener than once, vainly to have imagined that 
the highest elevation which could be asked for the best and the wis- 
est of patriots, might be obtained for one of their party. Their dis- 
comfiture in the fall of Mr. Randolph, the first of their party in- 
tended for the office of President of the United States, produced, it 
is true, the utmost degree of chagrin and mortification ; but it 
only checked — it did not conquer their ambition. — Their party 
was, indeed, well organized and powerful ; and most wisely, after 
their overthrow, as before remarked, had they mustered, in the nick 
of time, under the flag of democracy, and under the patronage of 
her first favorite and great champion, Jefferson ; and, thereby, 
achieved for themselves a reputation and a rank among republicans, 
which, otherwise, they never could have gained : but all this not- 
withstanding, and although several among them were capable of 
leading parties, and some of them, acting in that character, had 
been transcendantly conspicuous ; yet, unfortunately for them, not 
one of their party had the slightest pretensions to the qualities, or 
qualifications, which alone could fit him to " rule over the people 
of America ;" but, whether that was their opinion or not, they 
appeared to be perfectly willing to make the experiment in ano- 
ther of their members, far from being the most renowned for his 
talents. 

Robert Smith, Esq. of their party, had the luck, God knows 
how! during President Jefferson's administration, to find himself 
placed at the head of the Navy Department. I think it probable, 
that his party might have obtained for him that appointment, by 
means not unlike those which they afterwards practised to have 
him promoted to a higher grade in the cabinet ; means of which I 
shall presently take particular notice. JMr. Smith was bred to the 
bar, but was never regarded as eminent in his profession ; nor did 



21 

he, that I have heard, ever, in any form, make a display of genius 
or of learning, entitling him to a distinguished rank in society. 1 
have, therefore, never ceased to regard with astonishnieni, the cir- 
cumstance, that his party had selected liim for prefirment, over the 
heads of those who were certainly endowed with superior talents, 
and were, 1 presume, in every other respect, ot equal merit : but 
a solution of that difficulty may, perhaps, be found in this tact, that 
he was the brother of General Smith, the; brother-in-law of Wilson 
C. Nicholas, and the uncle, by marriage, of I'hilip N. Nicholas. 

Mr. Wilson Gary Nicholas having, at the period now in view, 
become the great chief of his party, it may not be imi)roper to re- 
mark, that, had his fellow-citizens bestowed only one half the at- 
tention on his political career, with which they were in the habit 
of observing the conduct of others, I am persuaded that tiiosc ex- 
ertions to advance his own interests, or to promote tlie weltkre 
of his friends, in which he was generally successful, must have gen- 
erally failed. 

Although a review of his public life will serve to establish the 
fact, by many evidences, that he was more rarely induced by pure 
and patriotic motives, to seek or accept even the most honorable 
appointments, than by an insatiable desire to benefit himself, or his 
party, or some particular friend ; yet so dexterously were his 
motives always veiled from the public eye, that whatever he asked 
for himself, he was sure to obtain ; and, except the highest office 
the people could bestow, his friends, also, were commonly honored 
with what he asked for them. 

Thus, during the very session of Assembly, when he and his 
partizans assisted to remove Mr. Stewart from the Clerkship of the 
House of Delegates, because he was a federalist, and contrived to 
continue Mr. Berkley in the Treasury, although he also was a fed- 
eralist ; during that session, for his supposed ardor, and zeal, and 
soundness, and consistency, as a democratic republican, Mr. Ni- 
eholas was elected a Senator for the state of Virginia, in the Senate 
of the United States ! 

In that august assembly, (mirahile dictu /) by an habitual gra- 
vity of deportment, and by silence rather than by speaking, for he 
prudently relinquished to others all claim to the right of participa- 
ting in any debate ; but, perhaps, more by his " out of doors" man- 
agement, Mr. Nicholas olDtained for himself, the reputation of a most 
able, virtuous, and patriotic statesman. Having remained in that 
exalted station until his fame, as a patriot and politician, seem<'d 
thus to be established at home and abroad, and as long as, for the 
attainment of any public or party purpose, then in his contempla- 
tion, w'as necessary, he resigned his high office in the Senate, for tlie 
comparatively humble, but more lucrative, appointment of Collec- 
tor at Norfolk. Such an act would have given his coup de grace. U' 



22 

any other politician ; but, done by Mr. Nicholas, patriots, of senti- 
ment and honor, soon forgave or over-looked the peccadillo. 

Mr. Nicholas never Settled in Norfolk to attend steadily to the 
duties of his new office, which, while he enjoyed the honor and 
the emoluments, were performed by a deputy, or a chief clerk. He 
did not, however, hold the appointment for any great length of 
time ; whence, and from some other circumstances, it was inferred, 
that he accepted it originally with a design to hold it pro tempore 
only, for some friend not capable at that instant of taking it ; and 
that his friend having been afterwards otherwise provided for, in a 
manner more to his satisfaction, and that of his family, Mr. Nicholas 
resigned the coUectorship. A very satisfactory mode, to be sure, of 
demonstrating his invincible attachment to the pure principles of 
democracy, and his solemn determination to guard against infringe- 
ment, from any quarter whatever, the just and equal rights of the 
people ! 

Whilst in retirement, though appearing, in the sight of his good 
honest neighbours, to be exclusively engaged in the management 
of his private concerns, yet, in his closet, Mr. Nicholas constantly 
regarded with vigilance and penetration those who were employ- 
ed in managing the aflairs of states ; always reckoning on advan- 
tages, in some shape or other, from that source, gready outweigh- 
ing all the products of all his estates together. Therefore, again, 
in a few years, he sighed for a seat in Congress, that he might be 
present and active at the caucus, which was to nominate a succes- 
sor to Mr. Jefferson, with a view, thereby, to acquire some weight 
or influence with the new President. 

A tew friends were readily found, who called on him to forego, 
for a time, tlie enjoyment of domestic comforts, and to abandon, 
for a season, his agricultural pursuits, that his fellow citizens might, 
at so eventful a crisis, iiave the benefit of his invaluable services 
in Congress. A great sacrifice, certainly ! But such as might well 
become a patriot. JNlr. Nicholas, of course, could not refuse. He 
was accordingly proclaimed a candidate, and consequently elected a 
representative of his district. He punctually attended the next 
meeting of Congress, and fulfilled, with great regularity, all his 
obligations as a member, " in and out of doors," agreeably to for- 
mer usage : particularly, he attended the caucus, and made a dis- 
play of uncommon zeal for the success of the favorite candidate, 
in which he was nearly outstripped by his brothers-in-law, General 
Smith and the Secretary of the Navy. In the usual time the elec- 
tion was over, and the nation, with hearts filled with delight, hailed 
their virtuous, patriotic, enlightened, and beloved fellow citizen, 
.Tames Madison, as the successor of the illustrious and venerable 
Jefferson. 

Then it was, that two of the leaders of "The Old Party," Gene- 
ral Smith, and Wilson Gary Nicholas, thinking more of the aggran- 



^3 

dizement of their famih' than of the nation's happiness, indulged 
the fantastic hope, tluit in their kinsman, Robert Smith, they be- 
held a worthy successor to Mr. Madison! And, accordingly, they 
seriously engaged in an attempt to realize such a chimera. 

Most persons will perhaps wonder how I came to the knowledge 
of the facts I am about to disclose, but that is a matter of no concern 
whatever. The only inquiry really important, will be, whether the 
facts and circumstance* w liicli I shall state, did really occur or not, 
and upon that point, the verity of my informant, which never was 
suspected, leaves no room for doubt. 

^Vhen President Madison was about to form his cabinet. General 
Smith, Mr. Nicholas, and William B. Giles, Esq. whom he regard- 
ed as sound republicans, and well disposed towards himself, called 
on him, and made the strongest assurances of personal friendship, 
and of great anxiety that each Department should be filled in the 
best possible manner, with a view to the success and popularity of 
his administration. Thus accosted by those gentlemen, whatever 
they said or suggested on the subject, received, as it seemed to de- 
serve, the most respectful and serious consideration. 

Amongst other appointments, Mr. Madison was, in the first in- 
stance, disposed to invite Albert Gallatin, Esq. to the Department 
of State; but the gentlemen vho had kindly offered their advice, as- 
sured the President, that stch a nomination would not be accepta- 
ble to the Senate, and that a rejection would certainly follow the 
sending of his name to that body. They, therefore, most earnestly 
dissuaded him from making taat appointment. Relying on the cor- 
rectness of their statement, Mr. Madison declined appointing Mr. 
Gallatin. Whether the statement was correct or not, I do not pre- 
tend to know ; my informant, who did know, having said nothing 
to me on that point. The President next thought of tendering 
the appointment to Mr. Monroe, not only as a tribute justly due to 
the merit of that distinguished statesman, but under the irifluence 
also of that lofty magnanimity, and native goodness of heart, 
which, among other excellent traits, adorned his own invaluable 
character. I have regarded this disposition on the part of Mr. Ma- 
dison towards Mr. Monroe, as an evidence of great magnanimity, 
because, at the time of Mr. Madison's election, it cannot be forgot- 
ten, that Mr. Monroe had been presented as a rival candidate for 
the same office b}' some of his friends. 

To that appointment the three gentlemen also objected, stating, 
in like manner, that the nomination of Mr. Monroe would be dis- 
agreeable, and, if made, would be rejected by the Senate. I v/iil 
not say that those honorable gentlemen were guilty of a wilful 
misrepresentation, but this I will affirm, that a statement in more 
direct opposition to the truth was never made. The members of 
the Senate were well acquainted with the exalted character of the 
Chief Magistrate, and the nomination of Mr. Monroe to the Tie- 



24 

partment of State was expected and desired by tlicm, without an 
exception, it is believed, save only such as might be taken from the 
three gentlemen, who so boldly and indecently opposed his nomina- 
tion. 

Could Mr. Madison, with propriety, have inquired of the mem- 
bers of that honorable bod}^, what their wishes were, he would quick- 
ly have discovered, that Mr. Monroe, for that appointment, was, at 
that time, the pecaliar favorite of the Senate^. 

But, such an inquiry could be made by the President in the con- 
stitutional form only, that is, by an actml nomination; and not 
doubting the accuracy of the statement made by the three gentle- 
men, Mr. Madison coul. not permit himself to make such an ex- 
periment to the prejudice of iMr. Monroe4 

The three gentlemen, then, " with all fheir mind," and " with 
all their strength," urged the pretensioi^s of Robert Smith, Esq. 
to the high appointment about to be confeij-ed. The President was 
decidedly, and, at first, violently opposed to the making of that 
appointment. — If I mistake not, his aver^on to it was so strong, 
that, contrary to his habit, he was even ptovoked, on that occasion, 
to the use of expressions manifesting a degree of excitement and 
warmth, very unusual with him. The three gentlemen, however, 
persevered with an earnestness and a confidence, which apparently 
bespoke the most unfeigned sincerity in tiieir assurances and remon- 
strances, in favor of Mr. Smith, and against other gentlemen, until 
the President, always virtuously inclined to do that which was right, 
in opposition even to his own impressions, was finally prevailed 
on, from respect to the opinions of those in whom he greatly con- 
fided, to give the appointment to Mi'. Smith. In this, I think, a 
trreat man erred ; but, who, at some time or other, has not erred ? 
— Quando quidem Hoitierus ipse dorniit. 

Scarcely any man, I will venture to pronounce, without the fear of 
contradiction, has, in any age Ol' nation, disinterestedly devoted 
more raluable years than Mr. Madison has, to the successful ad- 
vancement of his country's prosJ)erity, happiness, and glory. His 
in-rors were, indeed, few, but when they did occur, they were al- 
ways of that kind, to which human nature in its best estate will 
in'er be liable. 

]Mr. Smith did not very long enjoy the honors or the salary of 
ihe high station, to which, through unworthy means, he had risen ; 
and for which, neither '* nature, nor nature's God," had ever iiitend- 
fd him. 

In less than two years from the date of his appointment, he so 
cloffged the wheels of government, instead of aiding and improving 
their motion, that his dismissal from office became indispensable. 
The President, accordingly, in the most delicate manner possible, 
dvopt him a hint which could not be misimderstood ; and he pni- 
':1cntly and forthwith resigned. Soon afterwards, to the great joy 



of thi; public, the statesman and pcitriut James JMonroe, was i)i- 
viteil to tlie station tlius vacated; and that nieasiue, tor a second 
tinie. com})letely Wasted the hopes of '^ The Old rarly,*' that one 
of iheir number would j)reside over ihe Union. 

When I reflect on the acknowledged inconn)etcncy of Mr. Smith 
to perform the arduous and important duties of the olfice from which 
he was constrained to retire, I am at a loss to decide which ought 
to be most condemned, the want of delicacy, or the want of candor, 
witii wiiich his brotlier and brother-in-law, had pressed him on 
Mr. Madison. May the mortifying close of his short-lived career 
furnish a profitable, as it docs an instructive, lesson to the politi- 
cians and statesmen of our country ! 

The unmerited preferment to which he had attained, and the 
doom to which he was finally subjected, may be regarded as last- 
ing monuments of the giddy height to which ambition, weak, and 
wild, and wicked, may mount ; and of the distressing and drcp hu- 
niihation down to which it must inevitably tumble. 

I have stated the motive which induced Mr. Wilson C.Nicholas, 
for the last lime, to accept a seat in the House of Representatives. 
That statement may be, in some degree, illustrated, by adverting 
to the manner of his exit from Congress. 

After he had seen Mr. Robert Smith, his brother-in-law, snug- 
ly fixed in the Department of State, and thus well prepared (as he 
thougiit) for the next Presidential race, " the good work," which he 
went to do, having been accomplished, he had no further occasion 
for a seat in Congress : but how to retire again, so soon after his 
election, to " the shades of private life," without ofi'ending his 
constituents, seemed to present some difficuhy : ever abounding, 
however, in expedients, and able, on an extraordinary emergency, 
to invoke, with effect, the aid of disease even; such a case had no 
difficulty for Mr. Nicholas. 

On the road to Washington, the winter after IMr. Smith's ap- 
pointment, his old friend, the gout, came seasonably to his relief. 
It arrested him in his progress towards the seat of government, and 
confined him, for a i'ew days, to his room. He seized on the pro- 
pitious moment, and wrote a letter of resignation — filled, of course^ 
with expressions of deep and unfeigned regret, at the necessity im- 
posed on him by bad health, to withdraw from the service of his 
constituents ; but submitting most reluctantly, and deriving some 
consolation from the circumstance, that, " at so eventi'ul a crisis," 
abler men and willing, might be found to represent them in his 
place and stead. In this manner, whilst his resignation was, to 
Mr. Nicholas," a consummation devoutly to be wished," yet it was 
so ordered as to impress his worthy constituents with the belief that, 
in making it, he had sacrificed much to their advantage in parti- 
cular, and to that of the public at large ! 

You will readily perceive, by my manner of writing, that I have 

4 



26 

paid very little attention to method or style. I have only regaided 
it as important, that my statement should be correct, and, therefore, 
without attempting any thing like arrangement, I have, thus far, 
given you facts as they presented themselves to my mind, and so I 
shall continue to give them, with perfect candor and accuracy, irt 
relation to the views and character of "The Old Party ^' and 
" The Richmond Party," or " The CentralJunto." 

My next shall boast more brevity at least, than any of my other 
Jetters which have preceded it. 

Adieu ! my dear *^»***, yours truly, 

«-!tif*!f**->rit ****** 



LETTER IV. 

My Dear ******: 

My last concluded with an assurance, that this should be less 
prolix than any of my preceding letters, but under a change which 
has since occurred in my situation, I must beg leave to retract 
that promise. It was my purpose, in a series of letters much more 
concise than those I had written, to have presented you biogra- 
phic sketches of several gentlemen who are members of The Rich- 
mond Party, and to have furnished you with details minute and 
comprehensive, indicating clearly, among other things, their tnodus 
opn-nndi: by which you would have had a tolerably lucid and sa- 
tisfactory development of the views and character of the party. — 
But matters of serious moment, which deeply concern the welfare 
of one of the best of friends, claim my immediate attention ; and 
will incessantly occupy my time for months to come. I must, there- 
fore, for the present at least, circumscribe my remarks, and abridge 
the information I have to give, so as to bring both, if possible, 
within the scope of a single letter. Under such circumstances, 
I can scarcely now divine with more accuracy than you can, what 
will be the lengtli of this letter ; but that it may have all possible 
brevity, let us at once " to the point." 

At the moment of the second overthrow of" The Old Party" in 
the fall of their second Secretary of State, Mr. Robert Smith, 
clouds dark and portentous oversliadowed their prospects, late so 
bright, and the high privilege of culling and choosing at pleasure 
" the loaves and fishes" at the disposal of the general government, 
seemed to be snatcht>d from their grasp for ever. They were of- 
fended, and even enraged, at the course of the President in relation 



27 

to their member of the cabinet ; and a tew of tliem, \\ ith their friend, 
Mr. Giles, became positively hostile to some of the piii.( i]tal acts 
of Mr. Madison's administration; whilst the feebh^ and Iv.ke-warm 
support alforded by the rest of them, was scarcely less injurious 
than a course of downright opposition. 

The appointment of Mr. J\Jonroe to the office of Secretary of 
State, was as little pleasing to this party, as was the dismiss;!] of 
their favorite, Mr. Smith. The unfurtunate competition between 
JMadisonand Monroe for the Presidency, occasioned a schism in the 
republican party, which affoided a favorabl«- opportunity for the 
restless spirit of a faction lo push forward its schemes of sell ag- 
grandizement. Interested in fomenting discord and disunion an;ong 
the prominent members of the republican party, the faction saw 
with peculiar pleasure the collision between these twu distinguish- 
ed republicans; they wished to see th.at discord perpetuated, in the 
hope, no doubt, that it would ultimately lead to the proscrij^ion, by 
the dominant party, of many who had been conspRuons for services 
rendered the nation, and who, consequently, must otherwise stand 
hi theirway to the honors tuid emolurtienls of office. Unfortunately 
for their views, however, these two great men were, in their princi- 
ples, their devotion to country, and magnanimity of soul, too nearly 
assimilated to be kept long asunder by the arts and intrigues of in- 
terested factions. — The love of country prevailed over every other 
feeling in their bosoms; and all the efforts, the arts, and manceuvres 
of the disorganizing faction, proved inehectual. 

The re-union, in the government, of these two distinguished 
republicans, accorded with the wishes and feelings of their best 
personal friends, as well as the public good. All puie reptiblicans, 
who SOU! h. the public good, and not any private and interested 
ends, rejoiced at this proof of harmony and patriotism. But to 
those who had hoped to profit by discord, it was a source of deep 
mortification and chagrin ; it deranged their plans, and threw them 
aback upon new and difficult expedients for the accomplishment of 
their vjews. 

It becomes necessary that I should now introduce to your notice 
another gentleman who was a distinguished member of " The 
Richmond Party" — the late Hon. Spencer Roane — who was one of 
the Judges of the Supreme Court of Appeals in this state'. This 
gentleman, who was distinguished for intellectual vigor, [jrofound 
legal knowledge, strong passions, and morose manners, was indeed 
the Atlas of that party, and eminently qualified to become the 
founder of a new political sect. He was a master spirit, cajsable 
of combining and organizing, into a systematic corps, the scat- 
tered fragments of factions discomfited and overthrown, and ap- 
parently without hope of recovery. He was ambitioes of distinc- 
tion, impatient of equality, and could not endure a superio)- ; in his 
rtcts a despot, but in profession a democratic republican. He hud 



2S 

much to do with the politics of this state, and had acquired a cha- 
racter and standing, as a politician, which placed him among the 
most conspicuous o1f the republican party. Still, however, he was 
not the first. Next to Thomas Jcflerson, in the estimation of the 
party and affections of the people, James Madison and James Mon- 
roe stood pre-eminent. In relerence to them, ambition itself seems 
to have no idternative but to pay the reluctant tribute due to su- 
perior merit. Such was the course of Judge Roane. Qui nescit 
dissir/mlare, nescit vivere. 

But when, from an unfortunate combination of circumstances, 
and the too ardent zeal of personal and political friends, the two 
distinguished republicans, Madison and Monroe, were placed in 
competition for the highest office within the gift of the people, and 
republicans became arrayed against republicans with a zeal, though 
honest, yet too ardent, and tending to dangerous discord among 
brethren of the same principles, an occasion presented itself for the 
exercise of the mild and conciliating firmness of patriotism, as well 
as the deep designing policy of ambition. The friends of their 
country, who had no private ends to accomplish, or ambition to 
gratify, saw with deep concern this unfortunate collision, and anx- 
iously sought to smooth the asperities of party, and to harmonize; 
but the spirit of faction and ambition was active in exciting the 
feelings and passions of the people. The man who aspired to 
preferment and distinction by the shortest route, who saw both 
of these distinguished citizens, who were thus brought into colli- 
sion, yet above him on the ladder of popularity, and who would 
avail of such an occasion to shorten the term of his probation, 
would of course side with the strongest party, and contribute, by 
every means in his power, to rouse the passions of the people to a 
pitch of excitement which could only be satisfied bv the complete 
degradation and proscription of the principal members of the 
weaker party. When either a good or a bad motive may be an 
inducement to a particular act, it is, to say the least, uncharitable to 
assume tlie bad. Let me not, then, be regarded as thus uncharitable ; 
but let the circumstances of the case, and the subsequent events 
which tend to elucidate this matter, direct your own judgment as to 
the opinion you should foim. Whatever may have been the mo- 
tive. Judge Roane, on the occasion referred to, espoused the pre- 
tensions of Mr. Madison, and opposed those of Mr. Monroe with 
a degree of warmth and ardor peculiar to himself. When, how- 
ever, Mr. Madison had rid himself of the Secretary of State, who, 
in a perturbed state of the republican party, had been palmed upon 
" him by the intrigues of a faction, and Mr. Monroe was invited to 
and accepted that station. Judge Roane was not among those who 
approved of the course of the President, and it has been remark- 
ed, that the ardor of his attachment to his favorite, Madison, be- 
came wonderfully changed into a feeble luke-warm principle. 



29 

which sunk almost into total apathy and indifference. These dis- 
tinguished statesmen, tiuis re-united in the government, moved on 
in the most perfect concord and harmony, devoting, witli fidelity 
and assiduity, their valuable services to the important concerns of 
the nation, in the administration of the government upon the 
sound republican principles approved by the wisdom of the nation. 
Placed again upon a theatre which alforded scope for the display 
of his genius and talents, the clouds which had for a moment ob- 
scured the lustre of his character, were soon dispelled; and, at the 
termination of the late war, James Monroe, from tlie zeal, ability, 
and patriotism with which he had discharged the various and im- 
portant public duties confided to him, and the important benefits 
which had resulted therefrom to the nation, in times of the great- 
est peril and difficulty, had acquired a character and standing, 
which placed him above the reach of faction and intrigue. The 
great body of the people, with one consent, had fixed their eyes 
upon Mr. JMonroe as the successor of Mr. Madison. — During this 
period, the Atlas of "The Richmond Party" had not been idle; 
though the times were unpropitious, he had eliected much. A 
foundation was laid for the party, and many proselytes gained. 
The columns of " The Richmond Enquirer" furnish evidences of 
the skill and ability with which he conducted his operations. He 
wrote much, under various signatures, and with great ability. 
Whhout questioning the generally received doctrines of the republi- 
can party, or the practical application of principles which had pass- 
ed the ordeal of a party, and acquired a sanctity not to be violat- 
ed with impunity, an ample field remained for genius and talents, 
like his. In affairs of government, and particularly under a sys- 
tem like ours, occasions are perpetually occurring which call for 
the practical operation of admitted principles ; and a field is open, 
on all such occasions, for the inculcation of doctrines subversive of 
the very principles themselves, whilst the ingenious disputant pro- 
fesses the most sacred regard for them. Such, I am disposed to 
believe, was the character of many of the political essays of Judge 
Roane, which contained the doctrines of a new sect who were 
rallying under his banners, since called " The Richmond Party,"' 
and sometimes "The Central Junta." These ?/Z^m republicans 
erected a standard of political orthodoxy, like the bed of Procrus- 
tes — incapable of adapting iiself to any change of circumstances, 
every thing must be made to contract or expand so as to accom- 
modate itself to the austere and inflexible doctrines of the party. 
They apply to the conduct of public men, and to pubUc measures, 
a test of super-human excellence, by which, as suits their purpose, 
they pass sentence of condemnation on whomsoever they please. 
From the period of Mr. Monroe's going into the administration, 
we find Judge Roane and Wilson C. Nicholas, with their re- 
.spective adherents, in general occupying pretty much the same 



m 

«>round. The subsequent course of the principal members of these 
factions, in reference to the administrations of Mr. Madison and 
Mr. Monroe, exhibits that diversity only, which results from the 
peculiarity of character. The end and object has been the same 
with all of them. Some have been open and daring in their hos- 
tility; some cautious, prudent, subtle, and secret; and others have 
operated between the two extremes ; all, however, have acted their 
parts in the drama, according to character, situation, and circum- 
stances. Similarity of object and interest, and the advantage of 
mutual support, had brought these two parties very nearly together 
some time before the Presidential caucus of 1816. At the session 
of Assembly in the Winter of 1814-15, Wilson C. Nicholas had 
been, through the joint interest and management of the two par- 
ties, placed in tlie gubernatorial chair of Virginia, to aid in the 
management of the caucus. Every effort was made, that could be 
made consistently with that caution and prudence necessary to 
mask the designs of the parties, to prevent the nom.ination of Mr. 
Monroe ; and when these failed, a reluctant acquiescence in the 
will of the majority was yielded, and the Hon. Spencer Roane 
was placed at the head of the Central Corresponding Committee. 
His party, in other words, "the Richmond Party" and Wilson C. 
Nicholas's party, having firmly united about the period of Mr. Mon- 
roe's election, the two together formed a political corps wielding im- 
mense power, and yet their existence as a party was unknown to 
the people at large. Each of them, singly, boasted connections 
whose talents and command of money gave them great weight with 
the People; but the combination of their strength has rendered them 
irresistible in Virginia, at least until the veil, which conceals their 
plans from the public view, shall be completely torn away. 

No men better understand, than the members of these united fac- 
tions do, the art of governing their fellow citizens, whilst, to accom- 
plish their purposes, they always profess a readiness to " bow 
down to the majesty of the People," and to carry their will into full 
effect. They often direct, control, and regulate the public affairs, 
according to their sovereign will and jileasure; but when the Peo- 
ple resolve, as they sometimes do, to manage their own concerns 
" in their own way," the gentlemen, readily accommodating them- 
selves to the necessity of the case, sail with the wind, or drift 
with the current, as good naturedly as if they were conforming to 
the dictates of their very best judgment, or acting in perfect obe- 
dience to their own inclination. Thus acting, their conduct has 
always appeared to be either influenced or governed by the wishes 
or desires of the People. Conciliating in this manner the esteem 
and the regard of their fellow citizens, they have found it in gen- 
eral very practicable to carry their favorite measures ; and seldom 
have they been disappointed, when advocating the election of a 
friend, a connexion, or a partizan ; or when opposing the appoint- 



31 

ment of an adversary — of one hostile to factions in every shape- — 
of one, the zealous, honest, inllexible friend, " in spirit and in 
truth,"' of the equal rights of all men. 

They desired authority bordering on absolute dominion, through- 
out Virginia, in the first place, whh a view, no doubt, to the sub- 
sequent extension and exercise of their power on a broader scale. 
Therefore, their views were directed, not merely to the filling of tlio 
most important offices of the state government with their connec- 
tions or partisans ; but also particularly to the management of the 
banks : — those great monied institutions, which may be wielded, as 
every man of observation well knows, with the most powerful 
effect, as political engines. 

No man on earth was better acquainted with the vast, the won- 
der-working influence, which such engines imparted to the chiefs 
who directed their operations, than Mr. Wilson Gary Nicholas was: 
when, therefore, he perceived most clearly, that less, either in a 
financial or political way, could be eflected by holding the office 
of governor, than by filling that of president of the branch bank of 
the United States at Richmond, he did not hesitate to treat his 
duped constituents as he had done before. To promote his own 
private views, and those of his party, he abandoned their service, 
and before the constitutional term of his eligibility had expired, quit- 
ting all pretensions to the exalted office of chief magistrate, he 
descended, in a manner surely not becoming a high minded pa- 
triot, to the station of president of the United States' branch bank 
at Richmond ! Any other man, by such conduct, so often repeated, 
would have forfeited all pretensions to the esteem or confidence of 
all reflecting men in the commonweahh ; but not so with Mr. Ni- 
cholas : he and his friends of "The Richmond Party," by their well- 
timed and plausible excuses, soon prevailed on the people to over- 
look or pardon the degradation they had suffered, by the selfish 
and unworthy condescension thus practised by their governor; but 
until there was a general knowledge of his actual insolvency and 
failure, for many thousands of pounds beyond the value of all his 
estates together, it seemed to be believed by the great body of the 
people, that Wilson Gary Nicholas, Esq. could " do no wrong." 
From the moment when he became president of the office of dis- 
count and deposit of the bank of the United States at Richmond, 
two of the great banks in that city were under presidents who 
were members of " The Richmond Party ;" for Dr. John Brocken- 
brough was, and is, the president of" The Virginia Bank:" yet, it 
was not thought advisable to leave the third, and only remaining 
bank, in that city, under the guidance of a stranger. The worthy 
gentleman who then presided over " The Farmer's Bank of Virgin- 
ia," Benjamin Hatcher, Esq. was not one of " The Richmond 
Party," nor was he formed of proper materials ever to become a 
member of any faction. It was therefore resolved, '• by hook ox 



S2 

by crook," to oust that highly and meritorious officer, and to se- 
cure his birth for some disthiguished member of* The Richmond 
Party." 

With that view, at the annual appointment of directors for " The 
Farmer's Bank of Virginia,"' the proper number of persons to be 
appointed by the executive was, as has been said, respectfully pre- 
sented (by one of the Party) to that honourable body; and sup- 
ported, as it was contrived they should be, by recommendations 
very strong and full, their appointment followed as a matter of 
course. 

Among the persons so appointed, were some with whom Mr. 
Hatcher would not consent to be associated in the direction, which 
fact, it is understood, was previously well known to certain mem- 
bers of " The Richmond Party." The consequence then of the 
appointment made by the executive, was, that the plan of the Party 
succeeded exactly according to tlu-ir wishes : Mr. Hatcher resigned. 

Virginia, as well as the individual stockholders, having a con- 
siderable interest at stake, and depending on the proper manage- 
ment of the affairs of the bank, it became highly important that 
a suhable character should be found, willing to fill the vacancy 
produced by Mr. Hatch(>r's resignation. Upon all such occasions, 
the patriotic members of " The Richmond Party" never fail to 
unite, as it would seem, their nu)st active and zealous exertions 
to serve the state. They are generally, also, fortunate enough to 
find in sorhe one of their own Party, a character, in all respects, en- 
titled to the honor of filling any vacancy worth accepting. And 
who. as to the vacancy now referred to, could be more worthy the 
honor of filling it, than a brother of Wilson Cary Nicholas. Esq.? 
••The Richmond Party," with one voice, would answer — None 
more deserving that honor than Philip N. Nicholas, Esq. (then) the 
Attorney General of V^irginia. 

The citizens, in general, ignorant of the selfish and deep designs 
of the Party, uninformed even of the fact, that such a Party existed, 
and confiding in the supposed disinterestedness and political inte- 
grity of Mr. Nicholas's eulogists, readily agreed, that the Attorney 
General was the very m.'ui who ought to succeed Mr. Hatcher. 
But the better to conceal the fact, that this was a well designed plot, 
•' to get Hatcher out and Nicholas in," " The Central Junto" af- 
fected to doubt, whether the Attorney General would vacate the 
hieh and important office he then filled, to accept the new appoint- 
ment to which he appeared to be so pressingly invited : And, to 
render that concealment still more certain, the Attorney General 
himself professed to have some difficulties, and actually seemed, 
for a short time, to hesitate about the decision proper to be made on 
that point. At length, however, the farce having been kept up 
long enough to produce the desired effect, to conceal the plot from 
the public, and even from Mr. Hatcher himself, the Attorney 



33 

General, with all imaginable solemnity, and no small share of 
seeniing reluctance, closccnded from his high eminence at the bar, 
and im|)elled, as many an honest dupe verily believed, by the pure 
amor pair'ne^ Philip N. Nicholas, Esq. condescended to become 
the president of'The Farmers' Bank of Virginia." 

A particular friend of mine, who was on the spot, and witnessed 
the sct.ne, after giving me a full description of all that had passed, 
added, — when I looked upon the parade of mock-patriotism then 
made by '" The Richmond Party," and thought on the infancy of 
our beloved and unsuspecting republic, sick at heart, I tmned 
loathing away from the disgusting scene ! 

Thus, had '• The Central Junto," in open day, while the whole 
commonwealth slept, furnished from their own body, a president 
for each of the three great banks at Richmond ! Two of them, to 
wit, "The Bank of Virginia," and '*• The Farmers' Bank of Vir- 
ginia," it will be recollected, are the parents of branches at Lynch- 
burg, at Norfolk, at Petersburg, at Fredericksburg, and at Win- 
chester ; and that these branches are subject to the direction and 
control of the mother banks. 

I shall not stop here to enforce the remarks, which every intelli- 
gent man has long since made, on the influence which these banks, 
converted into political engines, may exercise, not only over the 
population of Richmond, and the other towns in which they are 
located, but, tin-ough them, over the great mass also of the popu- 
lation of Virginia. 

Obliged as I am, by want of time, to hasten to the conclusion of 
this letter, and (for the present) of my observations on " The Rich- 
mond Party," 1 will proceed to give you, according to my promise, 
the names of some other leaders of that Party, and of some of their 
connections. 

1 shall not, however, attempt to give you sketches of more 
than three or four other members of that Party, and, concerning 
them, I have leisure to make a few remarks only, at this time. 
Before I give you any names, however, I think it proper to ob- 
serve, that I have ever believed, that some iew of the gentlemen, 
even in Richmond, who co-operate with the Party, are not aware 
of their true character, nor of the dangerous extent to which they 
carry their views. And I have long believed, nay, I am convinced, 
that, by great dexterity, the " Falconis'' of the Party have man- 
aged so to deceive and mislead many patriotic and honourable 
men, as to render them perfectly subservient to their views, 
whilst firmly persuaded that they were promoting the public welfare. 
Why else has it happened that so many of the connections have 
risen to places of distincdon and power, whilst other men of equal 
worth, and superior talents, not connected with the Party, have 
been passed neglected by, and, what is yet Tvorse, been even de- 
nounced, as meriting no preferment whatever? Look, for example, 



M 

to the list of names I shall now give you, and to the offices held 
by those persons, which I shall at the same time specify, and you 
will find no difficulty in deciding that the many members of the con- 
nection who fill important offices under the state government, owe 
their advancement to the schemes, the management, and the irre- 
sistible influence of tlieir Party only ; or you must make the humi- 
liating acknowledgment, that to the connection we must look for 
men of virtue and talents, qualifying them exchisively to conduct 
our public aflairs : a degradintr, and unfounded admission, which 
you are incapable of ever making. 

In giving other names, I shall refer to a period a little antece- 
dent to tlie death of Judge Roane and Wilson Gary INicholas, the 
two great chiefs of the Richmond Party; and shall commence with 
the Court of Appeals. In that high court of dernier resort there 
were but four acting Judges — Roane, Brooke, Cabell, and Coalter. 
Fleming, the fifth and only remaining Judge, had for several years 
been prevented by ill-health from attending the Court. Judge 
Brooke is understood to be in some manner connected with the 
Roane, or Brockenbrough, or Ritchie family ; and ihe three latter 
are all nearly related to each other by blood. Judge Roane, there- 
fore, long before Judge Brooke's promotion, contemplated, as a 
favorite and important object, his translation from the bench of the 
General Court to that of the Court of Appeals; an object which 
he zealously and steadily pursued, until it was finally accomplish- 
ed, at the expense of older Judges ; who, without the least dispar- 
agement to Judge Brooke, were considered by the profession, gen- 
erally, to be, on the score of merit and qualifications, equally well 
entitled to that preferment ; and, as regarded seniority and services, 
their claims were indisputably superior to his. But they had no 
party to press their claims ; and the manner in which elections 
have been conducted, of late years, afforded them not the remot- 
est prospect of being advanced. 

Notwithstanding this success, which, upon principles purely just 
and purely republican, ought not to have resulted from the com- 
bined exertions of Judge Roane and all his connections together, 
he was by no means satisfied: had he lived, it is confidently be- 
lieved that he never would have rested content until at least a ma- 
jority of the Court should have been formed of Judges taken from 
his party, or from his family connection. 

Judge Roane was many years younger than the venerable Judge 
whom bad health had so long detained at home, and unquestion- 
ably expected, as many others did, that he would have survived 
that excellent and beloved man. Had he done so, it is pretty 
generally understood that he would have spared no pains to have 
his cousin. Judge William Brockenbrough, in contempt of the su- 
perior claims of otli«r Judges, promoted to the bench of the 
Court of Appeals. And had Wilson Cary Nicholas also survived 



35 

Judge Fleming, no man who has adverted to the dexterity, with 
whidi tlie Party have always managed such allairs, could for one 
second doubt ot" their success. Had those distinguished leaders sur- 
vived Judge Fleming, scarcely any human [jower could have del'cat- 
ed Judge lirockenbrough's pruniotion; and then the high prize of 
Judge Koane's ambition, in thai respect, would havt b(;cn com- 
pletely gained. A majority of the Judges ul the Supreme Court of 
Appeals would have been taken from his family conuection ; which 
the Party would have uubkishingly contended was perlectly just, 
and in exact conformity to republican principles. 

I will now advert, as not entirely irrelevant, to the scheme which 
many believe the Party had in anticipation formed, to place 
Richard Morris, Esq. of Hanover county, on the bt nch of the Ge- 
neral Court, in the room of Judge Brockenbroiigh, had he been 
elected a Judge of the Court of Appeals. A few others think that 
Mr. Morris will be the candidate of the Party for Congress, when- 
ever Andrew Stevenson, Esq. the present Representative of the 
Richmond district, shall decline. For which of the two offices he 
may be destined, the data furnished me do not enable me to decide; 
but that he is, and for a very lew years has been, among the first 
of the Party's favorites, I know; and that they have intended to hon- 
or him with one or the other of those distinguished offices, I do 
firmly believe. 

It strikes me with amazement, that the People should have been 
so long, and so eft'ectually, kept in a state of perfect ignorance, as 
to the views of the P'arty. They must have been detected many 
years ago, had their mod is operandi only attracted a small share 
of public attention. You will be surprised when I inform you that 
but a few years ago Mr. Morris was a most bitter, inveterate, tho- 
rough-going, rancorous federalist; and that fact is well known to 
every member of " the Richmond Party." He was once or twice 
a candidate in the Richmond district for a seat in Congress; and 
from his fortune, his respectable connections, his education, the 
suavity of his manners, and the splendor of his talents, would cer- 
tainly have been elected but for his politics : they were too well 
known. Mr. Morris was therefore supported only by the federal 
electors of the district; and whenever he was a candidate for Con- 
gress, his competitors prevailed by an overwhelming majority. 
Every one was pleased with Mr. Morris as a companion and a 
gentleman; but no republican ever thought even of electing him to 
any office or place of distinction. During the time referred to, l\ir. 
Roane, speaking with some of the Party concerning Mr. Morris, 
forgetting for a moment the dignity of his station, and unmindful of 
the gravity which befitted the judge, said: " By G — , sir, Dick 
Morris is too d — d a Tory to be appointed to any office." The 
bitter anecdote is said to have reached Mr. Morris's ear, and to 
have certainly had the effect of retardmg liis progress towards the 



36 

happy union which has since taken place between himself and 
'' The Richmond Party." Mr. Morris, being now a member, is be- 
come a great favorite indeed with the Party. His eloquence saved 
the Hon. Peter V. Daniel, the Lieutenant Governor of Virginia, by 
one vote I have understood, at the last " scratch," as the removal of 
a Couucillor from office by a joint ballot ot the two houses of As- 
sembly is commonly called ; and that memorable service will cer- 
tainly procure for him, on the first fair opportunity, the best return 
which the grateful party can make. For a few years past, the last 
year excepted, Mr. Morris has represented his county in the 
House of Delegates; of which house, unquestionably as democratic 
as any branch of any legislature upon earth, he became recently a 
leading member. The prophet who would have foretold an event 
so improbable, apparently so impossible, only seven or eight 
years ago, would have been " laughed to scorn !" But, tetnjjora 
mutantur — Mr. Morris is now a member of " The Richmond 
Party." Accordingly we find, that again, in " time of need," he is 
elected a member of the House of Delegates. The next winter 
there will be another " scratch." Two members of the council of 
state, must, agreeably to a constitutional provision, be removed, by 
a joint ballot of both houses of the General Assembly ; and, on that 
occasion, it is at least possible, that some one or more gentlemen, 
of " The Richmond Party," may owe their continuance in the con- 
cil to the eloquence of their friend, Mr. Morris. 

But it is believed that another object also, of yet greater import- 
ance, rendered it, in the opinion of " The Richmond Party," and 
of Mr. Morris himself, essential, that he should have a seat in the 
next General Assembly. That is the body which may, according 
to modern usage, hola a caucus to nominate a successor to the pre- 
sent President of the United States. — Heretofore, to nominate has 
been virtually to dictate : for the people have invariably conformed 
to the nomination. The election by the citizens at large, which 
the constitution intended should be real, is, when conducted under a 
caucus nomination, nothing more nor less than downright mock- 
ery ! The honest yeomanry of our country begin to feel this very 
sensibly, and perceive that a field is opened by the caucus system, 
for intrigue, and for venality and corruption in every form, the 
most base, and hideous, and demoralizing, that can be imagined. 
The people desire to " manage their own affairs in their own 
way ;" but " The Richmond Party," as if the people were indeed 
" their own worst enemies," incapable of managing such weighty 
concerns, insist that a caucus ought to be held. 

Should that course be adopted, and " The Richmond Party" 
be honored \yith the confidence which every Presidential caucus 
has for years reposed in them, they will most certainly give the vote 
to the Virginia candidate of their particular choice, without con- 
sultmg or regarding the wishes of the people. They have been in 



37 

the habit of directly or indirectly exercising a considerable agency, 
in selecting the county and town committees, invariably appointed 
on such occasions ; and the central plenipotentiary committee, uni* 
Ibrmly is made up of individuals, the majority of whom consists 
of members of their Party. 

Doubtless, it has been for some time resolved that Mr. Morris, 
now deemed the first man of the Party for talents, should be a 
member of the assembly at its approaching session. They desire his 
aid in the vain attempt they will make, to demonstrate, that the 
choice of a democratic President, could only be secured by a cau- 
cus nomination. 

Mr. Morris, forsooth, a noted federalist, is to indicate and sup- 
port the best possible mode of electing a democratic President ! 
Risum teneatis 1 

But, in noticing the fact, that Mr. Morris was a federalist, I am 
aware that some degree of caution should be observed ; for whoever 
shall venture to proclaim a truth of that kind, to the prejudice of any 
member of" The Richmond Party," will, in their estimation, com- 
mit a sin never to be forgiven. lie will be marked as a fit object 
for the vengeance of the Party, and may expect to encounter de- 
nunciation in every form which their malice, or that of their prin- 
ter, can invent, whilst Thomas Ritchie shall live, and conduct 
" The. Rich?uo7id Enquirer." 

It will be impossible, as I now find, to complete my remarks on 
" The Richmond Party," in this letter. I shall, however, unless 
prevented by some unforeseen accident, endeavour to finish them in 
the course of two or three days. In the mean time, I remain, as 
ever. 

My dear ****^«, yourSj most sincerely. 



LETTER V. 



My Dear ****** : 

Let us return for a moment to the Court of Appeals. Judge 
Roane, who had in effect been for several years the President of that 
Court, and one of its ablest members since the days of Mr. Presi- 
dent Pendleton, departed this Hfein the summer of last year. "The 
Richmond Party," in his death, and in that of Wilson Gary Nicholas.' 



38 

received a shock from which they have not yet recovered ; indeed 
tliey sustained a loss which it is beheved they never can entirely 
repair. 

VVlien it became necessary, during the recess of the General As- 
sembly, to fill the vacancy in the Court of Appeals created by the 
death of Judge Roane, the Party looked of course to their Iriend 
Judge Brockeiibrough; and expectations ran high in favour ot his 
receiving the appointment from the Executive ; but it was rumor- 
ed in many places, and seemed to be generally believed, that Chan- 
cellor John VV. Green, who had been literally Sim fortiincefaber, 
was the favorite of the People ; and that the Legislature would cer- 
tainly elect Chancellor Green. After taking full time for delibera- 
tion, he was accordingly appointed by the Executive to fill the va- 
cancy, and that appointment received, of course, in due time, the 
sanction of the General Assembly. Steady in the observance of 
those rules of conduct which wisdom had suggested, and experience 
had approved, when the Party discovered that there was no chance 
for the Judge of their choice — the member of their Party ; many 
of them were among the foremost to applaud the appointment of 
Judge Green, whilst it might not be uncharitable to doubt, whether 
they would have mourned, in their hearts, had it been the will of 
Providence to have taken him out of Judge Brockenbrough's 
way. 

I will add the names of other persons, and show you m what 
manner they stand related to each other, by which you may be 
convinced, beyond the possibility of doubt, that the party ever have 
in view family aggrandizement, as the chief object of their pursuit. 
Let us, then, next advert to the council of state. That honorable 
body, as you doubtless know, consists of eight members only. Of 
those eight, the honorable Peter V. Daniel, the Lieut. Governor of 
Virginia, who married a daughter of Mr. Edmund Randolph, the 
niece of Wilson Gary Nicholas and Philip N. Nicholas, is one; the 
honorable William Roane, son of the late Judge Roane, is ano- 
ther; andihe honorable William Selden, brother-in-law of the hon- 
orable William Roane, is a third. What, think you, would an old 
fashioned, intelligent, disinterested, countryman, say to this? 
Would he pronounce that the fact of there being three out of eight 
councillors, all thus nearly connected with the party, all in office 
at the same time, ought to be regarded as proof that family ag- 
grandizement was really an object which " The Richmond Party" 
kept perpetually in view; or, would he, upon his honor, say, that 
a circumstance so extraordinary, and, at the same time, of such 
moment, was purely the result of accident ? Let every man of in- 
tegrity, every genuine patriot, whether he Hve in town or country, 
with candor, answer the question ! — Most certainly, the answer of 
all would be unfavorable to the party. 

The attention of the people, and of the competent authority to 



39 

correct the evil, cannot be too soon or too earnestly directed to this 
branch of abuse, practised by the party, and the rather because it 
is understood that the honorable Robert G. ^^cott, also a member 
of the council of state, has joined " The Richmond Party," sti that 
without the presence or aid of any other councillor, that party may 
form a constitutional board for the transaction of executive busi- 
ness, Mr. Scott is a native of Georgia, and had he only united 
with the party on first coming amongst us, his ignorance of their 
views and character might have excused the deviation from a cor- 
rect course, but he has resided too long in Virginia, and become 
too well acquainted with her public characters, to rely on such a 
defence at this day. 

Popularity is an object which Mr. Scott has ever pursued with 
the utmost ardor; and, his age considered, few men have displayed a 
keener appetite for " the loaves and fishes." Nor is it believed 
that he would be over scrupulous in selecting his means with a view 
to success. — When, therefore, he perceived that " The Richmond 
Party," with nearly absolute sway, controled the affairs of state, 
and, with a power almost despotic, fixed the doom of every indivi- 
dual deemed worthy their notice, whether in a private or a public 
station, it is not at all surprising that, yielding to the suggestions 
of interest, Mr. Scott became one of the party. 

I think it probable, that the development I have Undertaken, 
when completed, in the imperfect manner even, in which the 
want of leisure obliges me to hurry through it, will convey to my 
fellow citizens generally, a correct knowledge of the loading mem- 
bers, the views, and the character of " The Richmond Party,'' and 
if so, afterwards, when the " Grand Inquest" of the nation sliali 
have passed on Mr. Scott, and other members of the party, the ver- 
dict to be rendered will settle the question as to his and their wis" 
dom in having joined the party. It has been said, and with (he 
appearance, at least, of probability, that, apprehending danger from 
such a trial, Mr. Scott lately sought, through the favor of the Hust- 
ings Court of Richmond, an opportunity of escaping it, by passing 
from the council of state to a more humble oflke at the disposal 
of that court; in that, however, he failed, the court having wisely 
preferred a gentleman who belonged to no party. Mr. Scott must 
now, in common with his brethren, submit to the constitutional 
decision which awaits them ; and may the legislature render to him,, 
and to them, the most ample and perfect justice ! 

From the Council Chamber let us descend and take a peep into 
the Treasury office ; I mean as it was before the death of Judge 
Roane and of Wilson Cary Nicholas. At that period we find Gen. 
John Preston holding the office of Treasurer; the best, and, in my 
opinion, the most influential, in the gift of the General Assembly ; 
for, independent of other means which give him great and extensive 
influence throughout the state as a public officer, the Treasure: 



4a 

■virtually possesses the power of appointing directors for '• The 
Bank of Virginia,'"' and for each of its live branches. Gen. Pres- 
ton was the brother of the late Thomas L. Preston, who married a 
daughter of Edmmid Randolph, the niece of Wilson Gary NicholaSy 
and of Philip N. Nicholas. This family connection, and the con- 
stant avowal of a })erfect devotion on the part of the Nicholas's to re- 
publican principles, led to strong attachments, and mutual support, 
and, finally, to a political connection between the parties, which 
promised to be indissoluble. Gen. Preston's very virtues betrayed 
him into this error. His heart was open, warm, unsuspecting, 
generous ; and I have already shown, tliat if any man was ever 
qualified to take possession of such a heart, and to control and di- 
rect it almost at will, that man was Wilson Cary INicholas. 

Until Gen. Pi-eston's misfortunes occurred, wliich i have always 
sincerely deplored, he was certainly regarded by those apprised of 
the existence of the Party, as one of its main pillars. His amiable de- 
portment in private life had obtained for him the esteem and the 
affection of all who had the happiness to be acquainted with him, 
and adding his popularitv, and weight of character as a private 
gentleman, to the influence inseparable from his office, the General 
furnished a pillar, at least as strong as any other, which the party, 
could boast. That pillar would, as I am firmly persuaded, be 
standing at this day, in all its original beauty and strength, but 
foi the General's unfortunate connection with the party, and his ill- 
judged and misplaced confidence in those to whom he owes his 
misfortunes. The seals of secrecy imposed on the transactions 
which led to so much evil, will, I trust, be sooner or later broken^ 
There are those, and not a few only, who believe that a nice, and 
perhaps a mistaken sense of honor, has too long restrained Gene- 
ral Preston from tearing away the veil which wraps those transac- 
tions in mystery. He alone, however, has the power to fix the pe- 
riod for his relief from those sufferings he has undeservedly borne 
for others. 

Quitting now the Treasurer, let us advert to a few, and only a 
vei-y few other members of the connection, also holding offices of 
value and distinction, for the purpose of further demonstrating the 
truth of my position, that family aggrandisement is, and ever was 
an object of unceasing attention with The Richmond Party. 
Three or four names more at most, shall suffice for that purpose, 
as it is not my intention, after the evidence shall be full and satis- 
factory, unnecessarily to refer to other names. 

The party is aware of the im[iortance of placing some of its 
members in high offices under the fe^ileral, as well as under the 
state government ; therefore, we find one of its most eloquent, and, 
at this time, most efficient members, representing the Richmond dis- 
trict in the Congress of the United States: you will at once know, 
that the honourable Andrew Stevenson is the gentleman to whom 



41 

I refer. He is tho brotlier-in-law of Judge Brockcnbroiigh. Bui 
it is time that 1 siioiild bring to your view a most conspicuous 
character, holding; an office under the state govern nu.nt, a gentle- 
man who has, in his time, " pkiyed many parts;" who, with the 
aifl of powerful connections, some plausibility, as good a stock 
of '' modest assurance"' as has fallen to the lot of most men, and 
two presses luider his control, has made his way to a place of 
di-iinction and of profit, which might, in my humble opinion, have 
been much more judiciously bestowed. I mean the gentleman who 
had the honor to be cousin of the late .Judge Koane ; and who has 
the honor to be the cousin of Councillor Koane, of Judge Brocken- 
brough, and of Dr. Brockenbrough tiie i*resident of" The Bank of 
Virginia;'' and has also the honor to be son-in-law of Dr. William 
Foushee the Post .Master at Richmimd; and to be the brother-in- 
law of the Hon. Richard E. Parker, one of the Judges of the Ge- 
neral Court — the gentleman who for years has been, and yet is, a 
member of "The Richmond Party," and who has repeatedly and 
unblushingly denied the existence of that Party — 1 mean Thomas 
Ritchie, Editor of two newspapers — •' The Richmond Enquirer" 
and " The Compiler ;" and who has the honor to be the Printer to 
the Commonwealth of Virginia. 

Mr. Ritchie appears to think, that no pains should be spared, 
no sacrifice be withheld, which the interests of the Party may 
require. 

Both of his papers, but especially the Enquirer, are always en- 
tirely devoted to the Party. 

Is it desired that any individual unfriendly to the views of the 
Party, or to the success of any of their members, when candidates, 
for office, should be denounced — prostrated — destroyed ? The 
colrimns of the " Enquirer" are easily thrown open for the wor- 
thv purpose. Is it the interest of the Party, for any especial cause, 
that one of their members, rather below mediocrity, should be 
puffed for talents he never possessed ? Immediately the complai- 
sant Editor fills the colunms of the Enquirer with the most ful- 
some panegyric on the dull genius. 

Has a Federalist of Hartford Convention stamp, or a rank tory, 
joined " The Richmond Party," or rendered them a signal ser- 
vice ? Mr. Ritchie's presses would kindly obliterate all recollection 
of the " Ihtle slips" of their new friend, and would hold him up to 
the public as one of the most orthodox politicians of the age. The 
Enquirer or Compiler is always open to attacks on those who may 
be obnoxious to the Party, and is, in fact, generally shut against 
their defence. The exhibition of any charge whatever against 
the Party, is inadmissible in either of Mr. Ritchie's papers; but 
their columns are invariably open for the vindication and most ex- 
travagant praise of any member of the Party. The disposition and 
habits of the editor of the Enquirer, eminently qualifv hira for the 



42 

service in whicli he is engaged. He can. with the happiest faci- 
lity, always accommodate himself to the wishes and views of his 
party, however inconsistent or contradictory they may at different 
tunes happen to be. At different periods he has, himself, been, as 
whim or interest directed, " any thing, every thing, nothing." 
Whilst he pretends to great firmness, no country, nor age per- 
haps, has given birth to a more trimming, tottering, temporising, 
oscillating politician, than Thomas Rhchie is, and has been, for 
a lont^ time. I will add — to an editor more void of political prin- 
ciple. This, 1 admit, is a serious accusation ; but it is nevertheless 
correct; and a complete file of the " Enquirer," is the very autho- 
rity to which, of choice, I would refer, in support of the charge. 

It may be asked, why then has the " Enquirer" so extensive a 
circulation ? why stands its reputation so high? I answer, because 
the editor is backed and puffed by '' The Richmond Party," and 
a host of influential connections. Because the pens of some of 
the ablest writers in Virginia have been employed in giving to the 
Enquirer a character, for which a score of such writers as Thomas 
Ritchie would always have labored in vain. Because he is the 
Commonwealth's printer; and that circumstance has contributed, 
not a little, to increase the circulation, and to enhance the value 
of his paper. And, because there is no rival paper published at 
Richmond, in which the defects and scandalous misrepresentations 
of the *' Enquirer," and the blunders and inconsistencies, and want 
of political principle, which have distinguished the career of its edi- 
tor, might be exposed : in which, it might be clearly demonstrated, 
that this motto, homines, non principia, would be more suitable for 
the Enquirer than any other which could be selected ; unless, per- 
haps, that other, long since recommended by an adversary, to 
whom Thomas Ritchie was but a " dwarf," ought to be preferred 
—that which might be obtained by transposing a single letter in 
one word, and altering the place of that word, in the motto of his 
own choice. The motto chosen by himself now reads, Verite sans 
peur. The change proposed is in the last word, " pevr.'' Let the 
letter e in that word, be placed- after ?/, and that would give the 
latin word, jmer. Let that word be first in the sentence, and then 
the motto proposed for Mr. Ritchie, would read, Puer sans verite. 
Than which, as it relates to statements, insinuations, and inuen- 
does, often gracing the columns of the " Enquirer," no motto could 
be more appropriate. 

But it will not do to bestow too much attention on Thomas Rit- 
chie. Never was a man more overrated. The public has been 
entirely deceived as to his talents. It is the " Enquirer" which 
has given to him a character ; not he to the Enquirer. He has, 
with a weakness and a vanity which bespeak a puny mind, 
plumed himself on his factitious reputation for talents, and presum- 
ed often to dictate to his fellow citizens what should be done on 



4:> 

the most momentous occasions. He has set himself up as a Go- 
vernor-maker and President-maker; and, on topics of tlie utmost 
magnitude, on which the public sentiment has never been express- 
ed in any shape or form, the Editor of the *' Enquirer" has oftcner 
than once boldly proclaimed to the world, at least thntiioh one of 
his presses, what were the opinions and the wishes of the People 
of Virginia ; taking very good care, however, on all such occasions, 
to announce that to the world, as the sentiment of the People, which 
he knew accorded precisely with the wishes and the views of " 1 he 
Richmond Party." Relying implicitly on the candor and the ac- 
curacy of the Commonwealth's Printer, public characters, and 
the good people themselves of Virginia, have been not unfrequently 
deluded and misled by such artifices. 

A few patriotic citizens, and among them some of Mr. Ritchie's 
brethren, disgusted and offended at the unworthiness and hauteur 
of his editorial course, have of late, without ceremony, exposed 
many of his errors and misrepresentations, and severely chastised 
his arrogance. Since the withdrawal of some of the able contri- 
butions which gave character to the Enquirer, particularly since the 
death of Judge Roane, they have, in the palpable wane of its repu- 
tation, discovered the true dimensions of Mr. Ritchie's mind; and 
therefore think his insolence the less excusable. 1 acts have been 
clearly stated, and arguments have been successfully employed, to 
prove that the Enquirer often pursues the most important objects 
in a mode and by means entirely at variance with the principles it 
seemed formerly to maintain. In this fair and honorable manner, 
Mr. Ritchie will be dragged down from the dictatorial eminence to 
which he had presumptuously ascended, vainly relying on the 
strength of his own mind, the support of his correspondents, and 
host of wealthy and powerful connections, the influence of his office, 
and the supremacy of '• The Richmond Party." 

Amongst otiier champions who have taken the field on the side 
of the people, is Mr. Pleasants^ the patriotic editor of the Lynch- 
burg " Virginian." Mr. Ritchie had only sparred with this youth- 
ful giant, when he discovered, that in a serious combat witli such an 
adversary, he would soon be dispatched "to the tomb of all the 
Capulets." He therefore wisely " backed out," and the Enquirer 
now bears with patience, and due submission, the merited castiga- 
tion which ever and anon it receives from the Virginian.* 

* I have not thought it material to speak paiticulaiiy of Mr. Ritchie's partner, 
Mr. Gooch; not because I believed him to be innocent; Car otliervvise : I have 
no doubt his best services are always at the command of the Party ; but he is <;en- 
erally believed to be a kind of sleepins; partner. Nature, in an honest niood^ 
stamped a JViAiY on his front, which satisfied me, since I first sawhini, that he 
was incapable, either of doing "much good" or "much harm." I have not, there- 
fore, regarded it as a matter of the least consequence, to attend especially to 
<» subordinate a character. 



44 

A very few lines more, and I shall have completed the short 
catalogue of names, I propose at this time to furnish. 

The Hon. Richard E. Parker, brother-in-law of Thomas Rit- 
chie, is regarded as one of the Party. I am not disposed to 
question the competency of the judge, now, to perform the func- 
tions of his high oftice ; but there was a time, when many who 
knew him well, graduating the gentlemen of the piofession at the 
County Courts, assigned to lawyer Parker a place considerably 
below the rank of others, not yet even thought of as deserving a 
seat on the Bench of the General Court ; and that time was, when 
such a distinction was conferred on lawyer Parker. This plain 
honest truth is not disclosed under the influence of hostility towards 
Judge Parker. It is told, only because it ought to be told. The 
universal film with which the Enquirer has blinded the people, 
must be removed ; and seeing none more skilful willing to act, I 
have thought it proper, in my plain way, humbly to attempt the 
operation. The people, to whom all otiices belong, and for whom 
all were created, ought to be informed of the shameful manner in 
which a faction, claiming to be the exclusive republicans of Vuginia, 
have sported with their rights ; by what subtleties they have been 
enabled to monopolize the places and offices of the highest value 
and distinction, in the gift of the people or the government ; pre- 
tending always, (most exemplary patriots!) that all which they do, is 
only for the good of the Republic. And how, on very many occa- 
sions, by the most unfair and insidious practices, they have succeeded 
in conciliating the esteem and regard of their fellow citizens, whilst 
at the same time they have insulted, deceived, and wronged them, 
most outrageously. 

The only remaining gentleman, said to be a member of " The 
Richmond Party,"' whom I shall name, is Dr. William Foushee, 
the Postmaster ai Richmond, who, as before remarked, is the father- 
in-law of the public primer, and of Judge Parker. I have no 
doubt, the Doctor, like many of his fellow citizens, has entirely 
mistaken the views of the Party, or he certainly would not have 
joined them. 

It has always been understood, that " in times that tried men's 
souls," he was faithful to the Commonwealth; I cannot, there- 
fore, be persuaded, that he would willingly unite with a faction, to 
tram[)le the sacred '' rights of man" in the dust. 

But I do think it wrong, upon principle, that so many offices of 
value and distinction shoiUd, at the same time, be held by mem- 
bers of the same family. 

To proceed in this manner, from time to time conferring offices, 
and bestowing favors on the " chosen few;^' on the different mem- 
bers of the families, or on the particular friends or connections of the 
individuals composing " The Richmond Party ;" what is it, but 



45 

sapping the very foundation of the Republic, that finally an odious 
aristocracy may be established on its ruins? 

Thus have 1, wiih little or no regard to method, hurritjd, as 
well as njy leisure would permit, through the sketches I hud pro- 
mised you. I have given you the names of a few of the most pro- 
minent characters in " The Old Party," as well as the " Rich- 
mond Party" or '' Central Junto," and have stated to you facts 
and circumstances, proving incontestibly, in my judgment, that 
the " Old Party" once had a being — that " The Richmond Party," 
sometimes called the '•' Central Junto," now exists — that their 
characteristic traits are precisely the same, and that, concerning 
their political views, from the conmiencement of our revolutionary 
struggles down to the present day, it might at all times have been 
very properly said, "There is something rotten in the state of Den- 
mark." 

Many of the most important facts I have stated, are establish- 
ed by the records of the country; and the chief part, perhaps the 
whole of the residue can be supported by parol evidence of un- 
deniable respectability. 

That the men whom I have named filled the ofiices or places 
I have designated, and that they were related to one another, oi 
connected in the manner I have specified, is not to be controverted 
Such facts alone, without the aid of the many important circuni' 
stances referred to, justify most fully my conclusions in regard to 
the views and character of the two parties described. 

Those who may advert to the relationship and connection be- 
tween the individuals and families I have named and referred to — 
lo the many important places, and influential ofiices, filled by dif- 
ferent members of the connection at the same time — to the man- 
ner in which thqy were monopolizing those offices and places — to 
the fact, that recently they were taking possession of the Supreme 
Court of Appeals — intruding into the General Court, and filling the 
Executive Department — to the manner in which they obtained an 
ascendency in, and control over, the three great banks at Rich- 
mond, and the ten branches, wliich were governed by two out of 
those three, and especially to the condescension with which two 
brothers stepped down from higher stations — one from the oflice of 
Governor, and the other from that of Attorney General, to pre- 
side each over a different one of those three banks ; — and, to the 
fact, that at the same time, the Treasurer of Virginia, the Com- 
monwealth Printer, and the Postmaster at Richmond, were nil of 
the connection ; I say, as to those who may advert to these im- 
portant facts and circumstances, and yet doubt the existence of 
•' The Richmond Party," or the correctness of my conclusions in 
reference to that Party, that " neither will tliey be persuaded 
though one rose from the dead." I do not believe, however, that 
among the disinterested and impartial, such a sceptic can be found 



46 

But Mr. Ritchie, after holding a cabinet council on the subject, 
may again, as he has done before, deny the existence of the Party, 
and pronounce that it is a mere chimera, the creature of a disor- 
dered imagination ? And toill he ? Is it possible, after the clear, 
full and satisfactory evidences to which I have referred, that even 
the temerarious Editor of the " Enquirer" will again hazard so 
barefaced a denial? Surely some little respect for the principles of 
common decency, will restrain him from so rash an act. But if not, 
then let him, if he will, repeat his bold and unfounded assertions and 
denials on the subject — let him and the whole party together, at- 
tempt to obscure and conceal the truth, by "throwing dust into 
the eyes of the people!" Their endeavours will avail nothing. The 
People are now apprised of the existence of the Faction ; and all 
that he or they may venture to say in opposition to the statements 
I have made, will be put down to the proper motive, and will pass 
for exactly what it may be worth — nothing. 

Whilst our fellow-citizens shall recollect the names I have fur- 
nished, the offices I have designated, and the facts I have stated, 
any attempt to palliate or to justify a monopoly of places, or of 
offices, by " The Richmond Party," or their views or conduct gen- 
erally, must be vain indeed. — The People of Virginia are not a 
"swinish multitude" to be controled, directed, and managed, at 
the pleasure of the " well born." They will not consent to be- 
come " Hewers of wood and drawers of water" for this anti-re- 
publican Dynasty, sooner than they would for any other Despo- 
tism. 

To those members of " The Richmond Party," whose insatiable 
appetites for office and for power call for the establishment of 
their oligarchy, I will venture to say, that their reign is over. 

All that the people of Virginia have ever required to prompt and 
to enable them to maintain inviolate the free institutions of our 
country against every foe, has been, to know that an enemy exist- 
ed. Warned of that fact, as our fellow citizens now are, " The 
Richmond Party" may rest assured that their doom is fixed. 

Deceived, insulted, and abused, as the people have been, and 
knowing, as they now do, the source from whence these wrongs 
have proceeded, they will not cease by all practicable and constitu- 
tional means to diminish the power of the faction, until they shall 
be completely " shorn of their strength," until their spirit shall be 
entirely broken down, never, never to be revived. 

May the God of our fathers, and our God, ever kindly watch over 
our destinies, and guard and protect us, against the withering influ- 
ence, and the blasting misrule of this, and every other faction. 
With unfeigned esteem and regard, 
I am, my dear ******, 

Yours, most sincerely, 

****** *##*#«#####* 



47 



******, Maryland, Nov. G, 1823. 

Gentlemen: In transmitting to you for publication, the five let- 
ters from my Virginia friend, on the Richniontl Party, I enclosed 
in the same packet, a sixth letter, which was never intended to be 
laid before the people, as neither its style, nor its relevancy to 
the subject, would justify such a measure. I must, therefore, re- 
quest of you to do me the great favor to return the letter to which I 
refer ; and, as I observe you have announced six letters, I send to 
you a few questions, which I think you may, with much propriety 
and effect, substitute for the one which I solicit you to restore. I 
am fully of opinion that the evidence contained in the five letters 
you have already published, is amply sufllcient to produce convic- 
tion of the existence of the party, its members, and its objects, on 
the minds of all discerning readers; and, with a view to the more 
general dissemination of the interesting facts contained in them, I 
would take the liberty to suggest the republication of the whole, in a 
pamphlet form, not doubting that very many persons would wish 
to preserve a record of such ability and importance. 



I am, gentlemen, with much respect, 

Your obedient servant. 



Messrs. Haughton &i Co. 



I think I have, at length, ascertained the cause why " The 
Richmond Enquirer"' has observed a profound silence, as regards 
two reports of some little importance, which have reached me 
from Richmond oftener than once. 1 am satisfied that Mr. Ritchie's 
taciturnity has proceeded from the fact, that the two gentlemen to 
whom the rumors relate, are members of " The Richmond Party" 
to which he belongs; indeed, ?/lr. Ritchie, as I am now informed, 
is, by marriage, very nearly allied to one of those gentlemen. 

The first of the two reports which I shall notice, concerns the Hon . 
Andrew Stevenson, member of Congress for the Richmond District. 
It is said, that when the Office of Discount and Deposit of the 
Bank of the United States, at Richmond, commenced its opera- 
tions in that city, Mr. Stevenson was a member of the Board 
of Directors — that he was one of the securities of ihe gentleman 
who was appointed Cashier of that (office of Discount and Deposh, 
actually signed the bond which was prepared to be executed by the 
Cashier and his securities, and that Mr. Stevenson, who it is 
known has attained to considerable eminence in his profession, was 
the acting counsel for the bank : that by default or delinquency, or 
by both, upon the part of the Cashier, the bank sustained a, loss of 



48 

more than fifty, perhaps eighty or ninety thousand dollars : for 
which, as was certainly proper, svhen satisfaction could be obtain- 
ed in no other way, a suit was instituted in the Circuit Court of the 
United States at Richmond, to subject the Cashier and his securities: 
that the Cashier made no defence, but confessed a judgment for the 
full amount of the penalty of his bond, say for about fifty thousand 
dollars : that Mr. Stevenson, upon whom a writ had also been serv- 
ed, defended himself under the plea of non est factum: and that the 
plea was held to be good and sufficient, and that Mr. Stevenson was 
accordingly discharged from his undertaking as the security of the 
Cashier ; not upon the ground that he had not signed the bond, 
but because in some respect or other, as rebted to the manner of 
executing, or as related to the delivery of the bond, there was some 
small defect ; — some little formality required by the law, in one 
or the other of these particulars, not having been duly observed. — 
And so, the Cashier being insolvent, and Mr. Stevenson being ex- 
onerated, the bank will sustain a total loss, unless, indeed, on the 
appeal which it is understood was taken, the judgment of the Cir- 
cuit Court be reversed. 

If this statement be in any material point erroneous, I will thank 
Mv. Ritchie to correct it : tiut I have reason to believe that it may 
be supported by a reference to the books and papers of the bank, 
and to the record of tiie proceedings of the Court in which the cause 
was tried. Taking, then, the statement to be correct in all its essen- 
tial parts, I hope that Mr. Ritchie, whose vocation it has long 
been to give lessons to his readers, in ethics as well as in politics, 
will give a full and candid answer to the following questions, which, 
imder the circumstances, T f^el myself authorized to piopound: 

1st. Was it not Mr. Stevenson's duty, both as a director and as 
the counsel of the bank, to have seen to the execution of the Cash- 
ier's bond, and that it was accompanied by every formality requir- 
ed by law ? 

2d. If Mr. Stevenson failed to perform that duty, and that in 
ijis own case, ought he afterwards to have taken advantage of his 
own wrong? 

Sd, Has not the Richmond Enquirer observed a cautious silence 
concerning the merits of this case, because the fauh imputed lies 
at the door of a distinguished member of " The Richmond Party ?" 

4th. Suppose that a distinguished adversary of that Party, in- 
stead of Mr. Stevenson, now represented the Richmond District, 
and that under such a plea he had avoided the payment of such a 
debt, when would he hear the last of it ? Would not the Enquirer 
oust him at the next election, by ringing peal after peal, sounding 
it in the ears of his constituents, that he had, by the help of a legal 
quirk, evaded the payment of a debt for which he was clearly bound 
in foro consneiiiia>? 

I trust that Mr. Ritchie will favor me with plain, unequivocal. 



49 

anti satisfactory answers to the preceding questions. He will not, 
I hope, as on some other occasions when hard pressed he has 
done, in a fit of spleen, pour out an invective torrent upon us, by 
way of substitute for a manly reply. 

The second report to which I allude, concerns Mr. Ritchie's 
father-in-law, Dr. William Foushee, who is the Postmaster at 
Richmond. 

I believe that this worthy gentleman has enjoyed that office now 
for thirteen or fourteen years, during which time it has yielded 
him, as I understand, a neat income, after tfie rate of two thousand 
dollars per aniiiun. 

For this handsome compensation, I have reason to believe the 
Doctor does nothing, but go now and then to the Post Office, to 
sign the returns or reports which are periodically made to the 
Postmaster General. It is said, moreover, that no Post Office, in 
any town or city to be compared to Richmond for size or popula- 
tion, has been in general so badly conducted ; and that its duties 
have been performed, sometimes by a deputy, sometimes by a 
sub-deputy, sometimes by a deputy-sub-deputy, and sometimes by 
nobod}'. But no one ventures to complain. 

The Doctor's amiable deportment as a private citizen, has de- 
servedly procured for him many friends, who will submit to almost 
any inconvenience rather than complain ; and the remaining part 
of the citizens, unwilling to incur the resentment of the Doctor, 
and of his friends and powerful connections, or to excite against 
themselves the persecuting spirit of '' The Richmond Party," si- 
lently to endure wrongs which otherwise they would not bear. 

A \ew only have been bold enough to speak out, and those few 
have occasionally vented bitter, but unavailing complaints!; una- 
vailing, perhaps, because they were entirely ignorant of the forms, 
or the etiquette, necessary to be observed for the purpose of ob- 
taining redress. 

Mr. Ritchie must now permit me, in relation to this report, to in- 
quire — 

1st. Why he has so long remained silent upon this, as he did 
upon Mr. Stevenson's subject ? 

2d. What has become of his mortal aversion to sinecures, so 
justly odious in the estimation of all sound republicans ; or are his 
objections entirely removed, instantly when such appointments may 
be conferred on any member of his family, or of "The Richmond 
Party?" 

3d. Is Mr. Ritchie's political character changed, as has been 
lately hinted ; is he indeed for men, not principles ? 

Time has been, when, if we were to credit him, sword in hand, 
Mr. Ritchie would have maintained " principles against men:" 
tvould, if principles demanded it, Brutus-like, have cried out against 
7 



50 

liis father — Fiat justitia ruat ccelum. But tempora mutantur — 
" The Richmond Party" or " Central Junto" exists ! 

I do indeed seriously apprehend, that, devoted to that faction, 
Mr. Ritchie is no longer the faithful sentinel he once professed to 
be, over the equal rights of the people, and those sacred principles 
of justice, on the maintenance of which depends the durability of 
our government. But if Mr. Ritchie be thus wedded to that fac- 
tion, we may be permitted to ask, how much longer, a member, 
and the " organ" of such a party, will he be tolerated in the im- 
portant and influential station of Printer to the republican state of 
Virginia — a station which will the better enable him to support, 
invigorate, and extend the faction? A Faction, which, as described 
in the five letters just published, is already, like a cancer, spread- 
ing itself over the surface, and extending its roots through every 
part of the " body politic ;" — and which the united vigilance, ac- 
tivity, and energies alone, of all genuine republicans in the " An- 
cient Dominion," can extirpate and destroy. 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



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LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 




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